PREKINDERGARTEN TEACHERS’ IMPLEMENTATION OF A CULTURALLY RELEVANT COMPUTER SCIENCE EDUCATION PROGRAM: A CASE STUDY OF DOROTHY VAUGHAN EARLY LEARNING CENTER A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville Charles E. Flowers, Jr. August 2025 Copyright © 2025 by Charles E. Flowers, Jr. All rights reserved. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Completing this dissertation has been one of the most challenging and transformative journeys of my life. I am filled with deep gratitude for the many people who walked beside me along the way. First, I give all praises to God! Throughout my life I have faced many challenges and obstacles. From being born as a premature baby, to struggling academically in my K-16 schooling, and doubting my own competence as a scholar after being an early childhood public school teacher for 15 years. My faith allowed me to persist Trust in the Lord with all your heart and lean not on your own understanding; in all your ways submit to him, he will make your paths straight (Proverbs 3:5-6). Next, I want to thank my mother, Shirley Flowers, and sister, Chaundra Flowers, for your unconditional love, prayers, and steadfast support. You reminded me of my worth when I forgot it and held me together with your strength and compassion. To my other family members Maria Flemings and my son in Christ Billy Haley, I love you too so much. Thank you Billy for always checking in with me. To my friends, Andre Neal, Ahsia Spencer, Christopher Charlie Jett, Johnnell Bivens, and Victor Moses thank you for being my anchor and my encouragement. Your friendship reminded me that I am never alone in this journey. Whether through laughter, deep conversations, or simply showing up when I needed it most, you helped me hold on to joy and purpose. I am so grateful for your presence in my life. Evelynn Jack, Adam, Ms. Jaret, and Greg and others I cannot all name Thank You! I would like to express my deepest gratitude to my dissertation committee: Lori Caudle, PhD, Frances K. Harper, PhD, Deadric T. Williams, PhD, Margart Quinn, and Missy D. Cosby, PhD. Dr. Harper, thank you for your steady mentorship, critical insight, and challenging me to rethink about the ways we understand children’s thinking and learning in context. Your guidance grounded my work. Dr. Lori Caudle, I am grateful for your dep expertise and thoughtful feedback, which sharpened my analysis. Dr. Deadric Williams, thank you for continuing to push me to think critical about how racialized experiences within context impacts Black children’s and helping me see the broader problem that moves away from narrow systemic and structural issues. Dr. Margaret Quinn, thank you for affirming the value of my work and helping me stay true and authentic to my scholarly identity. Finally, Dr. Missy Cosby, I appreciate your critical lens and commitment to equity, which challenged me to refine both my writing and my purpose. I am profoundly thankful to each of you for your time, your care, an your belief in this work. PREFACE This dissertation is the culmination of years spent listening to, learning from, and growing alongside children and teachers for over a decade as a classroom teacher and now as a researcher. The questions that animate this study emerged from the lived realities of my own early childhood classroom, where Black children’s brilliance, joy, and complexity often exceeded the boundaries of standardized expectations. I am deeply grateful to the children and teachers who participated in this study. Your interactions, voices, and ways of being shaped this work in profound ways. I also want to acknowledge the generations of students I had the honor of teaching. Your curiosity, resistance, and creativity remain the heartbeat of my scholarship. Our memories together continue to guide my commitment to equity, care, and culturally relevant interactions and learning in early childhood education. . ABSTRACT This qualitative case study investigates how culturally relevant interactions support the development of norms and contribute to computational thinking practices in early computer science education. Drawing on microgenetic methods, this study analyzes video data from two prekindergarten classrooms in a public school engaged in a yearlong research-practice partnership. Through microanalysis, this study examines how Black children and their teachers co-construct sociocomputational norms, defined as shared ways of reasoning and participating in computational learning. Findings show that culturally relevant interactions foster these norms by affirming children’s cultural knowledge, supporting collaborative meaning-making, and positioning children as competent contributors in a computational learning community. This study contributes to research and practice in early childhood computer science education by introducing the construct of sociocomputational norms and demonstrating how culturally relevant interactions can function as an equity-oriented pedagogical approach for designing equitable learning environments that support Black children’s computational thinking and participation. Table of Contents Chapter One Introduction and The Problem 1 Chapter Two Literature Review 13 Chapter Three Methodology 72 Chapter Four Findings 109 Chapter Five Discussion and Implications 151 List of References 179 Vita 219 LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1. Table of Powerful of Ideas in Early Computer Science Education………….53 Table 3.1. Teacher’s Demographic Information and Experience……………………….93 Table 3.2. Classroom Demographic Information………………………………………..93 LIST OF FIGURES Figure 2.1. A Framework for Culturally Relevant Interactions and Norms in Early Computer Science Education 19 Figure 2.2. Examples of Programmable Educational Robots 50 Figure 3.1. Emergent Interpretive Framework 78 Figure 3.2. Critical Emergent Interpretive Framework 86 Figure 3.3. Photo of the Research Context 89 Figure 4.1. Photo of Mrs. Hallie’s Mouse Robot Lesson 114 Figure 4.2. Photo of Ms. Wendy’s Classroom: Robot Design Lesson 119 191 CHAPTER ONE Introduction and THE PROBLEM In this study, I examined how culturally relevant interactions supported Black children and two prekindergarten teachers in developing norms and contributing to computational thinking practices. Drawing on microgenetic methods, this study analyzes video data from two prekindergarten classrooms in a public school engaged in a yearlong research-practice partnership. Through microanalysis, this study explored how Black children and their teachers co-construct sociocomputational norms, defined as shared ways of reasoning and participating in computational learning. The two pre-kindergarten teachers and their classrooms in this study were purposefully selected with a criterion sampling method (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Patton, 2015). The knowledge from this study contributes to research and practice in early childhood computer science education by introducing the construct of sociocomputational norms and demonstrating how culturally relevant interactions can function as an equity-oriented pedagogical approach for designing equitable learning environments that support Black children’s computational thinking and participation. This chapter provides an overview of the context and background, followed by the problem statement, the significance of the study, and finally, the dissertation outline. Background One of the central issues in early childhood education is the persistence of inequities across race, class, and their intersecting identities. These inequities shape instruction and experiences, limiting meaningful learning opportunities for both teachers and Black children. Taking a systems perspective, historical macro-level forces such as racism have produced deficit ideologies about Black children that continue to influence assessment, interactions, and their participation in learning within early education contexts (Gay, 2018; Iruka et al., 2023; Ladson-Billings, 2006; Valencia, 1997). The history of early childhood programs in the United States, such as the Abecedarian and Perry Preschool Projects, was grounded in deficit-based assumptions that portrayed low-income families, particularly Black families, as incapable of adequately socializing their children (Bruno & Iruka, 2022; Nxumalo & Brown, 2020). As a result, these programs often employed assimilationist approaches aimed at remedying perceived cultural deprivation. Assimilation, in this context, refers to the incorporation of non-dominant cultures into dominant White, Eurocentric norms, often through the erasure or subordination of children’s cultural identities (Paris & Alim, 2017; Spring, 2022). This legacy has contributed to the deculturalization of Black children's sociocultural values, practices, and ways of being within early education program designs. Moreover, the emphasis on school readiness has led to didactic, skill-based instruction for Black children, displacing play-based, situated, and inquiry-driven learning opportunities (Chein et al., 2010; NASEM, 2023; Valentino, 2015). These longstanding social and cultural barriers have direct implications for early computer science education learning, where institutionally dominant norms continue to marginalize Black children's diverse ways of knowing and participating, restricting equitable interactions with teachers.  The field of computer science education has been fundamentally composed of White men who have shaped its norms, values, and practices (Scott et al., 2015). These dominant norms have been reinforced in early childhood computer science through the framing of computational thinking. As a result, early computer science education often privileges decontextualized, singular pathways for supporting computational thinking, thereby marginalizing alternative ways of knowing and doing (Kafai et al., 2020; Sfard, 1998). Often, this framing reduces computational thinking to discrete skills and abstraction that can be measured through assessments, leaving little room for situated and critical perspectives of computational thinking (Grover & Pea, 2013; Kafai & Proctor, 2021; Vakil, 2018; Wing, 2006). However, research in learning and academic achievement has historically reinforced the deficit perspectives about Black children by designing tasks that are removed from their everyday contexts and cultural practices (Bruno & Iruka, 2022). When Black children do not respond in expected, dominant-culture ways, their responses are often misinterpreted as evidence of deficiency rather than as expressions of different, yet equally valid, ways of knowing and communicating (Cole, 2013; Lave, 1996, 1998; McDermott & Vossoughi, 2020). Challenging deficit perspectives requires moving beyond individualistic, decontextualized cognitive framings of computational thinking to instead focus on the cultural tools, pedagogical approaches, and teaching practices that affirm Black children’s ways of knowing. Such an approach supports learning opportunities that mediate and transform Black children’s educational experiences in early computer science education. Black children's learning experiences in early childhood education must be understood not merely as outcomes of development but as shaped by their social position through intersecting factors such as race, class, and other sociocultural conditions. Knowledge is neither universal nor neutral; it is constructed through one’s social position, interactions with others, and access to material and cultural resources within specific contexts (Delgado-Bernal, 2002; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). From this perspective, dominant cognitive framings of early computational thinking are questioned, as they overlook how power, culture, and context shape what and how Black children come to participate and learn in early computer science education. Although social constructions such as race do not define a child’s ability or potential, they carry social meaning and power in education. In the United States, education is often tied to racial hierarchies of ability, which influence how children are perceived and treated. Racial hierarchy refers to a socially constructed system that ranks racial groups in a stratified order of value, intelligence, or capability, often implicitly within institutions like schools (Omi & Winant, 2015). In education, this hierarchy influences which children are perceived as "naturally gifted," "struggling," or "unfit," particularly in subjects such as mathematics (Martin, 2012). Accordingly, these assumptions have the power to shape (not determine) expectations, learning opportunities, and the marginalization of Black children's epistemologies in early computer science education. Racial hierarchies are tied to the historical vestiges of systemic racism embedded in educational practices that limit Black children’s access to equitable learning opportunities. Systemic racism can also be defined as racial ideologies to justify the superiority of one race over others, shaping racial prejudice and maintaining racial hierarchies (Golash-Boza, 2016; Williams, 2024). These institutional barriers maintain and reinforce systemic racism, limiting Black children’s full participation in meaningful learning opportunities (Williams, 2023). Specifically, racial hierarchies can be reproduced through the moment-to-moment interactions between teachers and Black children, potentially reinforcing inequities in early computer science education. For example, when Black children ask questions, explain their reasoning, or offer alternative problem-solving approaches, these contributions are often misinterpreted as off-task or oppositional rather than recognized as legitimate forms of intellectual engagement (Jett & Terry, 2023; King & Pringle, 2019; Wright et al., 2018). Accordingly, misinterpretations reflect broader systemic racism that privileges dominant norms and epistemologies, overlooking the cultural wealth and diverse sense-making Black children bring to learning interactions (Gay, 2018; Iruka, 2023; Yosso, 2005). Such exclusions reveal how dominant epistemologies in early computer science education can become the norm, narrowing the canon of what constitutes knowledge while rendering Black children’s ways of knowing invisible or illegitimate. Black children are not passive recipients of knowledge; they are cultural and political actors who draw on their histories, community practices, experiences, and social positions to make sense of and influence classroom interactions (García Coll et al., 1996; Moll et al., 1992; Nasir et al., 2005; Paris & Alim, 2017). Recognizing children as cultural actors requires educators to see their everyday knowledge and familial experiences as legitimate foundations for learning, rather than as deficits to be corrected. The role of the teacher emerges as an essential mediator of whether Black children’s cultural knowledge is sustained and leveraged as a resource for meaning-making in early computer science education or overlooked in favor of dominant epistemologies and norms(Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Paris & Alim, 2017). However, opportunities for teachers to learn how to leverage Black children’s knowledge and diverse community of practices into instruction in early computer science education are limited  (Banilower et al., 2018). Without intentional support and professional learning, teachers may default to dominant instructional models that fail to recognize or incorporate the cultural resources Black children bring to computational learning.  This, in turn, can have significant implications for Black children’s interactions with peers, shaping how participation and competence are recognized, negotiated, and sustained in early computer science learning contexts. In addition to teacher–child dynamics, power is also enacted among children, influencing how authority, expertise, and inclusion are distributed during collaborative computing tasks (Esmonde, 2017). When dominant norms go unchallenged, Black children’s contributions may be disregarded or undervalued by peers, reinforcing exclusionary patterns that mirror broader systemic inequities (Gholson & Martin, 2014). Children enter social interactions with different access to power in the discipline, reflecting the social hierarchy in society. Simply decentralizing authority doesn’t automatically create equity. Without intentional design, collaborative work can reproduce hierarchies based on race, gender, or perceived ability (Langer-Osuna, 2015). Equitable teaching requires designing non-hierarchical collaboration, scaffolding marginalized children’s participation, and monitoring group dynamics to sustain shared intellectual engagement. Early computer science education is a social and relational learning experience (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Vossoughi et al., 2023). How teachers and Black children learn content is inextricably linked to how they learn to relate to each other, to themselves, and to disciplinary knowledge (Boaler, 1997; Cobb & Bowers, 1999; Lave, 1988). Thus, norms for equitable participation and practices in early computer science education must be intentionally co-constructed and constituted through relational interactions that sustain Black children’s identities, ways of knowing, and contributions to computational learning (Cobb et al., 1992; Cobb & Yackel, 1996; Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Paris & Alim, 2017; Yackel & Cobb, 1996).  Problem Statement Although early computer science education is expanding in early childhood education, it remains shaped by dominant epistemologies that privilege decontextualized, skill-based notions of computational thinking. These framings can exclude or marginalize Black children’s cultural knowledge, practices, and ways of knowing, which are not aligned with the dominant norms historically shaped by White, male perspectives in computing (NASEM, 2021; Kafai et al., 2020; Scott et al., 2015). As a result, early computer science teaching and learning risk reproducing racial hierarchies and deficit perspectives that have long characterized early childhood education. In particular, learning interactions may misinterpret Black children's contributions as off-task or oppositional, rather than as legitimate forms of intellectual engagement rooted in their cultural and familial knowledge systems (Carlone et al., 2014; Wright et al., 2018). These exclusions are not merely instructional oversights; they reflect broader patterns of systemic racism, epistemological dominance, inequitable interactions, and power dynamics in early education (Delgado & Stefanic, 2017; Iruka et al., 2022; Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Despite growing commitments to equity in STEM education, research has yet to explore how culturally relevant interactions support the equitable participation of Black children and teachers in early computer science education. Teachers are rarely supported to design instruction that draws from Black children’s lived experiences, community practices, or epistemologies, and instead may default to dominant, assimilationist models of teaching (Banilower et al., 2018). Furthermore, peer interactions can reflect and reinforce societal power hierarchies unless intentionally guided by equitable participation norms. Without attention to the relational and sociocultural foundations of learning, early computing education may reinforce exclusion rather than foster equity. There is an urgent need to understand how teachers and Black children co-construct equitable norms of participation through culturally relevant interactions that sustain their identity, support early dispositions, computational thinking practices, and expand what counts as knowledge in early computer science education (Cobb & Hodge, 2002; Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Paris & Alim, 2017; Yackel & Cobb, 1996).  Statement of Purpose and Research Questions The purpose of this qualitative case study is to investigate how culturally relevant interactions between teachers and Black children support the co-construction of norms for early computer science education, contributing to the development of computational thinking practices. Drawing on culturally relevant education and sociocultural learning theory, the study examines how culturally relevant interactions sustain Black children’s identities, promote their engagement in computational thinking practices, and broaden dominant definitions of knowledge and computational thinking. By analyzing classroom interactions through a relational and sociocultural lens, this study seeks to contribute to the equity-centered research and practices in early computer science education. 1. In what ways do culturally relevant interactions support educators and children in developing norms for early childhood computer science? 2. How do computer science norms contribute to Black children’s computational practices?  Research Design Overview  I extensively cover the methodology of the dissertation in depth in Chapter Three, but provide a brief overview of the study here. A qualitative collective case study design was selected to investigate how culturally relevant interactions support Black children and teachers in co-constructing norms in early computer science education and how these norms contribute to Black children’s computational thinking practices. Case study methodology is particularly suited for examining complex educational phenomena within bounded systems such as classrooms, where context, relationships, and practices unfold in dynamic ways (Merriam, 1998; Stake, 1995; Yin, 2014). Drawing on data collected from two pre-kindergarten classrooms participating in a yearlong research–practice partnership, I used microgenetic methods to closely examine moment-to-moment teacher–child interactions during small-group computer science learning activities (Sherin & Chinn, 2022).  An interpretive framework grounded in social constructivism, symbolic interactionism, and ethnomethodology guided the analysis, allowing for a nuanced understanding of how norms and meanings are socially and culturally constructed through interaction (Blumer, 1969; Garfinkel, 1967; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Vygotsky, 1978). The framework draws on the emergent perspective used in mathematics education research to investigate how sociomathematical norms are negotiated and practices are enacted in classroom interactions (Cobb & Yackel, 1996; Yackel & Cobb, 1996). These perspectives align with my epistemological stance, which holds that knowledge is co-constructed and shaped by power, culture, and relationships (Kinchloe & McLaren, 2011). Coding lenses and analytic memos (Miles & Huberman, 1994; Saldaña, 2018) served as interpretive tools, enabling constant comparison and iterative category refinement consistent with a grounded analytic approach. Applying this approach to early computer science education offers insight into how teachers and Black children engage in culturally grounded practices that expand traditional conceptions of computational learning (Kafai & Proctor, 2021; Kafai et al., 2020).  Significance to the Field  Research in early computer science education and computational thinking has primarily focused on decontextualized skill acquisition, often neglecting the situated and sociocultural nature of learning (Bers, 2021; Grover & Pea, 2013; Kafai & Proctor, 2021). While some early computer science education studies have illustrated situated computational participation between teachers and children (e.g., Bers et al., 2018; Portelance & Bers, 2015; Strawhacker & Bers, 2018b), the current body of work offers limited analysis of how such participation is co-constructed through shared norms and practices or how these norms support equitable learning opportunities. Scholars committed to equity in computer science education have called for centering the knowledge, cultural practices, and lived experiences of Black, Latinx, Indigenous, immigrant, and/or multilingual learners in the learning process (Kafai et al., 2020; Paris & Alim, 2017; Vakil, 2018 ). While equity-centered computer science education research has elevated Black students’ epistemologies and cultural practices (Leonard et al., 2023; Leonard et al., 2016; Newton et al., 2020; Madkins et al., 2019), fewer studies have examined how learning is co-constructed within teacher-child interactions, particularly in early childhood settings (Quinn et al., 2025). Studies illustrate that teachers have the potential to implement culturally responsive teaching in computer science education (Leonard et al., 2019; Leonard et al., 2017; Scott & White, 2013) Yet, implementation challenges persist for teachers, particularly in making meaningful connections to children’s cultural experiences, attending to sociopolitical contexts, or redistributing authority to support shared knowledge construction. Examining culturally relevant interactions provides a lens to understand how teachers navigate these challenges in practice, how they affirm children’s cultural knowledge, co-construct learning experiences, and negotiate classroom norms that support equitable participation in computing. The significance of this study lies in its timeliness and relevance to current shifts for equity in early childhood education. Particularly, this is salient in early computer science education, where the dominant values, norms, and practices can be at odds with those of Black children, who often bring their norms and practices from their homes and communities (NASEM, 2021). These tensions have implications for how young children perceive themselves in relation to the discipline, as early experiences of socialization and recognition shape their emerging identities as computational thinkers and participants in STEM fields. Culturally relevant interactions center the cultural knowledge and practices of Black children, positioning them as assets rather than deficits. Such interactions can support the development of sociocomputational norms that promote equitable participation, affirm identity, and cultivate disciplinary competence in early computer science education. Dissertation Outline The dissertation is organized into five chapters. In chapter two, a review of the literature includes the conceptual framework, research on early computer science education, framings of computational thinking research, and culturally relevant education in computing. Chapter three provides the details of the methodology, the rationale for my approach, the research design, data collection methods, data analysis, and trustworthiness of the study. In chapter four, I present the findings for each research question in a narrative form, with excerpts from the video data organized by the respective teacher’s classrooms. The second set of findings is organized by computational thinking practices, illustrating how sociocomputational norms supported Black children’s computational thinking practices. Chapter five offers interpretations of the findings in relation to each research question and introduces key propositions that define culturally relevant interactions. Finally, I provide recommendations for future research and practice, and conclude with a discussion of the limitations and reflections.  chapter TWO Literature Review In this chapter, I discuss several theoretical frameworks that informed the research design, data collection, and sources for this dissertation study. The study addresses critical gaps in understanding how culturally relevant interactions support the co-construction of norms to influence Black children's learning in early computer science education. Chapter two provides a comprehensive review of the literature that frames this study. First, I establish the foundation for rethinking learning as development in context, with particular attention to how Black children’s identities are shaped through participation in culturally organized practices across settings. Next, I briefly introduce the conceptual frameworks guiding this study, organized under the headings of sociocultural learning theories and culturally relevant education. Finally, I synthesize the literature on early computer science education, with a particular focus on culturally relevant computing approaches, ethnocomputing, and equity-focused frameworks in computer science education. Together, this chapter provides the foundation for understanding how culturally relevant interactions can challenge dominant norms in early computer science education, advancing equitable learning opportunities that support teachers and Black children’s computational participation and thinking practices. Learning and Development in Context Black children's learning and development are deeply rooted in social and cultural processes, emerging through their participation in activities with caregivers, families, and peers across various contexts (Cole, 1996; Gauvain & Perez, 2015; Miller & Goodnow, 1995; Rogoff,  2003). Culture, in this sense, refers to the shared norms and practices of a group of people, socially transmitted across generations to adapt to changing circumstances and achieve collective goals (Lave & Wenger, 1991; NASEM, 2018; Wenger, 1998). Culture reflects historical time, and its dynamic nature allows it to be adapted or even transformed in response to the evolving needs, challenges, and aspirations of a community. In this way, culture is not static, and Black children’s repertoires of practice should not be essentialized as traits of their social group membership; rather, they should be understood as learned and adapted across multiple contexts (Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003; Gutiérrez et al.,2017; Paris & Alim, 2014, 2017). However, families, extended family, and kinship networks do serve as the primary context in which Black children acquire culturally grounded funds of knowledge that support their development and learning across diverse settings (Moll et al., 1992; Stewart, 2007). It is within these familiar contexts that Black children develop cultural frames of reference that shape how they interpret experiences and interact with others. For example, research on Black family ethnic-racial socialization highlights how families communicate cultural practices and knowledge about worldviews related to race to support children's future interactions (Hughes & Chen, 1997; Hughes et al., 2017; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Because identity develops through children's ongoing interpretations of social experiences, the messages and practices conveyed through racial-ethnic socialization help Black children build a sense of racial pride about who they are and how they are viewed in the world. As a socioculturally situated process, racial-ethnic socialization plays a foundational role in shaping positive racial identity and fostering adaptive responses to racially isolating educational environments that may marginalize Black children’s cultural ways of being (García Coll et al., 1996; Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Neblett et al., 2012). These processes are often symbolically embedded in everyday asset-based cultural practices that convey meaning, affirm identity, and guide Black children in making sense of and engaging with the world around them. Families and Communities as Context for Learning and Development  Black children’s learning and development must be understood within the context of the adaptation cultivated within their families in response to structural racism (García Coll et al., 1996). Adaptive culture refers to the shared goals, values, knowledge, and ways of being that Black families cultivate to support children’s development and well-being in the context of their everyday lives. Although adaptive culture was originally defined as a coping mechanism, it has increasingly been recognized as a cultural asset. Perz-Breña and colleagues' (2018) qualitative review found that adaptive cultural practices can function as promotive or transformative assets for the development of racially marginalized children. For instance, Sansbury et al. (2023, p. 3) conceptually defined adaptive culture through the lens of symbolic cultural practices, describing them as “spiritual, ritual, and artistic practices (Bloch, 1974); they must express cultural, ethnic, or racial meaning in a symbolic way and may be intangible or imaginative.” Black families hold deep spiritual values that are often expressed through culturally rooted practices, such as call-and-response, rhythm, and communal reasoning, which reflect collective meaning-making and intergenerational ways of knowing. These cultural practices are symbolic in nature, contributing to the lived experiences, observations, and relational ways of being that Black children draw upon to make sense of their world and navigate future social and educational contexts (Blumer, 1969; McAdoo, 2002, 2007). Building on this understanding, Yosso (2005) introduced the Community Cultural Wealth model to name and legitimize these adaptive cultural practices as valuable forms of capital that minority children acquire through their families and carry with them into educational spaces. The model posits that community cultural wealth comprises multiple forms of capital, including aspirational, navigational, social, linguistic, familial, and resistant capital, which communities of color cultivate to support their children’s development, resilience, and success within and beyond educational contexts. While a full discussion of each is beyond the scope of this dissertation, navigational, familial, and resistant capital are used as analytical lenses to examine how Black children navigate racism in early educational contexts, how their knowledge is either recognized or discounted within learning interactions, and how they draw on cultural knowledge to make meaning and challenge inequities through everyday acts of resistance that disrupt oppressive structures (e.g., Iruka, 2023). Accordingly, teachers’ instruction can bridge and incorporate Black children’s cultural assets to expand the knowledge base of content and promote children’s critical consciousness for addressing societal inequities, which is essential for equitable interactions (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995). Black children’s active participation in education is deeply rooted in the strength of Black families, where extended kin networks and a strong achievement orientation promote children’s self-concept, confidence, perseverance, and capacity to thrive in educational settings (Billingsley, 1992; Hill, 2003; Hilliard, 1995; McAdoo & McAdoo, 1985), thereby positioning them as active meaning-makers who draw on cultural knowledge and practices to question, interpret, and contribute to their learning environments. Shaped by long standing communal traditions, Black children often engage in learning through social participation, shared responsibilities, and collective meaning-making practices that reinforce their sense of identity, belonging, and purpose within their communities and should be reflected in educational environments that affirm cultural knowledge as a resource for learning (Boykin & Toms, 1985; Gay, 2018; McAdoo, 2007; Ladson-Billings, 1995). These culturally grounded ways of learning and relating underscore the need to view schools not as culturally neutral spaces, but as contexts for the cultural processes of development that shape Black children's learning experiences and identities.  Schools as Contexts for Learning and Development  Schools function as contexts for the cultural processes through which children’s learning and identity formation are mediated. Specifically, culture is embedded in the classroom learning environment, shaped by daily activities, social organization, and role expectations within the classroom community (Pope & Bloch, 2010; Whiting, 1980). This means that culture infuses Black children's learning experiences in early education contexts, shaping how they participate, make meaning, and are positioned within the classroom community. The classroom learning environment, comprising tasks, social interactions, and models available to children, is structured by cultural values and ecological conditions, which in turn shape children's behavior, skills, and social roles (Super & Harkness, 1986; Whiting & Whiting, 1975). The reflexive nature of the classroom learning environment means that while culture shapes classroom norms, both children and teachers actively interpret, negotiate, and sometimes reshape those norms through their interactions. This reflexive interplay aligns with the concept of the developmental niche (Super & Harkness, 1986), which conceptualizes how children’s development is shaped by three interacting subsystems: physical and social settings, customs of child care and rearing, and the psychology of caretakers, each deeply embedded in cultural practices and mediated in classroom contexts. In early childhood classrooms, these subsystems manifest in the organization of space and materials, instructional routines, and teachers’ culturally grounded expectations. As such, the developmental niche offers a valuable lens for understanding how the classroom microculture in early education contexts influences learning and development in socioculturally meaningful ways. Conceptual Framework I developed a framework for culturally relevant interactions and norms in early computer science education, grounded in several interrelated theoretical perspectives. First, sociocultural theories of learning, which include situated learning theory (Lave & Wenger, 1991) and the construct of sociomathematical norms (Yackel & Cobb, 1996), position learning as a social and cultural process in which norms and identities are co-constructed through participation in classroom interactions. Because learning emerges through interactions shaped by social relations and cultural practices, I draw on culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2018) to examine how teachers engage responsively with children. The teacher’s pedagogical posture in this study is also informed by culturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1995) and culturally sustaining pedagogy (Paris & Alim, 2017), which emphasize maintaining cultural competence, sustaining identities, and advancing educational equity (see Figure 2.1). Culturally relevant interactions and norms, as conceptualized in this study, refer to the situated ways in which teachers and children co-construct knowledge and develop shared practices and modes of participation that sustain Black children's cultural identities, support their meaning-making, and enable equitable engagement in computational thinking. These interactions embody the principles of culturally relevant education and reflect the emergent nature of classroom norms, which are continually shaped through social participation and negotiation. Figure 2.1. A Framework for Culturally Relevant Interactions and Norms in Early Computer Science Education Learning as Situated and Social Participation Traditional cognitive theories reduce learning to the passive internalization of information, overlooking how knowledge, practices, and identities are actively co-constructed through participation in cultural and social contexts. Situated learning fundamentally rejects this individualistic and decontextualized view, framing learning instead as a jointly produced, dynamic process of becoming within communities of practice (Lave, 1988; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998). This perspective stands in stark contrast to formal school learning in the United States, which emphasizes individualistic thinking through the acquisition of factual knowledge and isolated skills. Particularly in early education, Black children’s learning has often been framed through an emphasis on acquiring school readiness skills for achievement, supported by a view of development as a natural, internal progression shaped by limited experiences with the physical and social world (Ladson-Billings, 1995; Nxumalo, 2020; Piaget, 1952, 1970). Conversely, situated learning emphasizes that children's development is embodied and constructed through their active participation in socially and culturally situated activities (Gay, 2018; Paris & Alim, 2014). Children’s cultural practices, ways of knowing, and identities are not peripheral to learning but central to how knowledge is co-constructed and made meaningful. From this perspective, knowledge is not abstract and cannot be simply transferred across situations; it is situated within specific physical, social, and cultural contexts and constructed through participation in meaningful practices (Brown et al., 1989; Cobb & Bowers, 1999; Lave, 1988). Learning is a socially and culturally situated process shaped by the dialectical relationship between children’s participation, classroom activity, and evolving social practices. Cognition and practice are not separate domains but dynamically co-constituted, each shaping and being shaped by the other in contextually meaningful ways (Lave, 1988; Lave et al., 1984). As children engage in classroom activity, they simultaneously influence and are influenced by the cognitive, social, and cultural dimensions of practice. Teacher–child interactions become sites of ongoing negotiation where meanings and practices are jointly constructed and revised over time (Blumer, 1969; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Gay, 2018). While participation is shaped by established social norms, children’s contributions can disrupt and redirect those norms, generating new forms of engagement and knowledge construction (Cobb & Yackel, 1996; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Paris & Alim, 2017). In this way, norms function not as static rules but as evolving social agreements, continually reshaped through the reflexive interplay between children’s intentions, teacher responses, and shared meaning-making. Within the classroom community of practice, this reflexive process makes visible how norms are co-constructed through mutual accountability and social interpretation, shaping how children come to see themselves, and are seen by others, as competent participants in the learning community (Garfinkel, 1967; Wenger, 1998; Yackel & Cobb, 1996).  Community of Practices and Identity Development Situated learning extends into the concept of communities of practice by emphasizing that learning is not only shaped by participation in activity but also by engagement in shared social practices. Communities of practice function as learning contexts, much like apprenticeships, where participation shapes the development of norms and identities, guiding the negotiation of practices, roles, and competence over time (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998). Practice refers to the meaningful activities and shared ways of doing things that emerge through ongoing participation in a community. Shared practices emerge through learners’ engagement with the norms, tools, and forms of reasoning that give meaning to participation within a community (Lave et al., 1988b; Wenger, 1998; Yackel & Cobb, 1996). As learners interact with others through mutual engagement with cultural tools embedded in practice, they internalize and reshape shared practices, helping to redefine the norms and meanings of the community. Mutual engagement within communities relationally connects learners and serves as the foundation for joint negotiation and mutual accountability (Gay, 2018; Wenger, 1998). Therefore, learning requires “decentering” the traditional ways of acquiring knowledge through mastery and teaching formal curriculum to one that emerges through relational participation and shared practice within the community (Cobb et al., 1992; Lave & Wenger, 1991, p. 94). Accordingly, this shift about learning foregrounds the relational approach, in which learners negotiate understanding, co-construct norms, and begin to see themselves as valued contributors. Thus, becoming a legitimate participant involves more than access to activities; it requires being recognized and affirmed as a competent member of the community, a process deeply tied to the validation and sustaining of learners’ cultural knowledge in support of their identities (Ladson-Billings, 1995; Paris & Alim, 2017; Wenger, 1998).  There is synergy between identity and practice, as learners begin to see themselves as seen by others and as competent participants through their engagement in activities within the community. Developing these shared practices requires a community of learners in which ways of being and knowing are continually negotiated through participation and mutual engagement within situated activities (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998). This ongoing negotiation shapes not only what is learned but also how learners are positioned within the community, reinforcing or challenging whose epistemologies, actions, and identities are considered legitimate. Obviously, this can lead to tension for learners whose contributions do not align with dominant norms, creating a disconnect between their cultural ways of knowing and the assimilationist expectations often embedded in school practices (Paris & Alim, 2017). The history of early childhood education in the United States has often functioned as a site of assimilation, particularly for Black children, whose learning has been shaped by deficit narratives such as the “at-risk” label (Brown, 2020). This deficit notion frames Black children as lacking or needing intervention, which has justified standardized curricula, behavioral control, and cultural assimilation rather than affirming their identities (Ladson-Billings, 1995). To promote equity, teaching must also consider how classroom practices shape children’s identities and opportunities to be recognized as competent participants in disciplinary activities (Nasir & Cobb, 2007 ; Gay, 2018). Children come to school with culturally grounded ways of knowing, and when those ways are not acknowledged or valued, their identities as capable learners may be undermined, limiting their full participation. Thus, identity is not a static category but a dynamic learning process, integrating a child’s past and future into the meaning they make in the present through community participation (Wenger, 1998). Legitimate Participation not Neutral Legitimate participation operates as a political act, shaped by power relations that determine who is recognized as a meaningful contributor to the learning process. Access to full participation in the community of practice is not a given, but depends on the social recognition and distribution of authority (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998). Interpersonal relationships between teachers and children, including participation, are mediated by broader institutional arrangements (i.e., classroom participation structures) that control access to meaningful engagement. These institutional arrangements can marginalize or delegitimize some learners, resulting in non-participation not due to individual failure, but because of how classroom systems are structured. However, underlying these institutional arrangements are racialized narratives that position certain children, particularly Black and other marginalized learners, as less capable or less legitimate participants, limiting their access to learning and identity development through participation (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Nasir & Cobb, 2002; Paris & Alim, 2017). These narratives operate subtly through everyday classroom practices, such as who is called on, whose reasoning is validated, and which forms of participation are rewarded, thereby reinforcing exclusionary norms under the guise of neutrality (e.g., Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995). Without responsive and affirming interactions, everyday classroom practices can normalize exclusion, highlighting the need to redefine participation in ways that sustain children's cultural identities and ensure equitable opportunities to contribute. Thus, these dynamics underscore the need for culturally relevant interactions and norms that disrupt classroom power dynamics and reposition children as legitimate participants. These norms help reconfigure classrooms as equitable communities of practice, where culture, identity, and power are continually negotiated through meaningful participation (Esmonde, 2017; Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Paris & Alim, 2017). Sociomathematical Norms  There is a reflexive relationship between the social dimension of classroom culture, which includes its norms and practices, and the ways teachers and children actively construct their learning in mathematics education (Cobb, 1994; Cobb & Yackel, 1996). Mathematical learning is inseparable from the evolving normative structure of the classroom, as teacher–child interactions both shape and are shaped by shared expectations for reasoning and participation (Mehan & Wood, 1975). From this perspective, learning is a process of enculturation through the constitution of taken-as-shared understandings, the negotiated, often implicit agreements about what constitutes appropriate behavior and meaningful contributions to mathematical activity (Cobb et al., 1997; Lave & Wenger, 1991). Social norms refer to general expectations for participation and interaction, such as how children explain their thinking, listen to others, or engage in discussion, and they emerge through ongoing interactions rather than direct instruction (Cobb et al., 1992). Together, these constructs form the foundation for sociomathematical norms, which refer to how teachers and children jointly determine what counts as mathematically acceptable reasoning, efficient strategies, and accurate solutions within a learning community (Yackel & Cobb, 1996). These norms do not arise in isolation; they are socially and culturally mediated, reflecting power-laden decisions about what and whose knowledge is recognized and valued in mathematics learning interactions (Ladson-Billings, 1995; Gay, 2018; Paris & Alim, 2014). In what follows, I outline three analytical anchors characteristic of sociomathematical norms: (1) social norms that value diverse ways of reasoning, (2) the negotiation and co-construction of sociomathematical criteria, and (3) the role of sociomathematical norms in supporting mathematical practices, equity, and identity. I situate these within my broader conceptual framework of culturally relevant interactions and norms in early computer science education. Social Norms: Valuing Children’s Diverse Ways of Reasoning  The development of productive mathematical learning opportunities depends on reorganizing classroom social norms to reshape teachers’ and children’s roles and beliefs about what it means to do mathematics. Learning is inherently social, and the norms that structure classroom interaction, along with teacher expectations and instructional practices, deeply influence the beliefs children form about mathematics and about themselves as mathematical thinkers (Cobb, 1986; Cobb & Yackel, 1996). Dominant norms in classrooms often shape children's beliefs that producing the correct answer is more important than making sense of mathematical ideas (Cobb, 1985). Accordingly, this can hinder children's mathematical learning, as beliefs are context-bound components of cognition that guide how learners interpret tasks and set goals during problem-solving activities (Cobb, 1985, 1986). To counter this, teachers must intentionally shift dominant classroom norms by organizing interactions that legitimize diverse forms of reasoning and prioritize sense-making over answer-getting. By encouraging children to articulate their reasoning and validating their contributions during interactions, teachers help reorganize classroom norms to support beliefs aligned with relational understanding and meaningful participation in the learning community (Cobb & Yackel, 1996; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Lave & Wenger, 1991). Such shifts in classroom social norms support learning opportunities that promote deeper mathematical understanding by valuing and building on children’s diverse ways of knowing. For instance, learning opportunities arose when children were prompted to articulate their thinking or justify their reasoning in response to teacher expectations or peer interactions, revealing how their beliefs about mathematics shaped their engagement (Cobb et al., 1985; Cobb et al., 1992; Yackel et al., 1991). The teacher’s renegotiation of social norms through purposeful questioning contributes to the reorganization of classroom expectations and reshapes children’s beliefs about their role and obligations to explain, justify, and engage in collaborative reasoning as valued aspects of doing mathematics. This process reflects the reflexive nature of social norms and beliefs, which are both constituted by and constitutive of social interaction (Leiter, 1980; Mehan & Wood, 1975; Mehan, 1979). In this view, the social norms of the learning environment evolve as children reorganize their beliefs, and these reorganized beliefs, in turn, shape how they interpret learning situations, either enabling or constraining their mathematical engagement and behavior (Cobb, 1986). Children’s beliefs serve as psychological reflections of classroom social norms, shaping how they interpret and engage in learning. Because beliefs are contextually formed and affectively charged, they develop through children’s participation in classroom interactions and reflect their ongoing attempts to make sense of what counts as success, authority, and meaningful activity in mathematics (Brown, et al.,1989; Cobb, 1986; Lave, 1988). This means that learning is not solely a cognitive process but also an affective one, closely connected with motivation and shaped by children’s beliefs about their engagement and competence in mathematics. For example, Cobb (1985) illustrated how two children in the same classroom constructed distinct beliefs about what it means to do mathematics, shaped by their prior emotional experiences and their interpretations of classroom social norms. Tyrone, whose beliefs emphasized understanding and relational reasoning, approached mathematical problems with persistence and curiosity. In contrast, Scenetra, motivated by a desire for correctness to avoid failure and gain approval, tended to disengage when her procedural strategies were not immediately validated. These responses reflect how children’s emotional experiences with mathematics are shaped by their prior experiences, the social norms of the classroom, and ongoing interactions (Cobb et al., 1992). When classroom norms prioritize correctness over reasoning, children may develop anxiety and withdraw to protect their sense of self. Conversely, classrooms that normalize struggle, value children’s diverse ways of reasoning, and promote collaboration create an environment where students feel emotionally safe to participate (Cobb et al., 1992; Yackel et al., 1991). Thus, teachers play a critical role in shaping the emotional climate of the classroom through their feedback, tone, and expectations, which support learning opportunities that honor and build on children’s diverse ways of reasoning Negotiation and Co-Construction of  Sociomathematical Norms The meaning of mathematical situations develops through classroom interactions and joint interpretations, which support the co-construction of sociomathematical norms. The negotiation of taken-as-shared understandings supports the emergence of sociomathematical norms that define the criteria about what counts as an acceptable explanation, a different, efficient, and sophisticated solution (Cobb et al., 1993; Yackel & Cobb, 1996). The process reflects the view of learning as fundamentally social and situated, where mathematical understanding is shaped not solely by individual cognition, but through participation within interactions. Individual thinking and the social and cultural processes of learning are reflexively intertwined, as both children and teachers interpret not only the mathematical situation but also how each responds to their contributions, shaping meaning-making and participation accordingly (Cobb et al., 1997; Yackel, 1995; Yackel et al., 1999). Within this reflexive process, sociomathematical norms are not imposed but emerge through teacher–child co-construction in interaction. Teachers and children interactively constitute what is an acceptable mathematical contribution. When children offer their reasoning and the teacher affirms, builds on, or responds to it as meaningful, the explanation and justification are interactively constituted as a jointly constructed and valid form of mathematical argumentation within the classroom community (Cobb et al., 1992; Gay, 2018; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Ladson-Billings, 1995). Validating students’ contributions as mathematically meaningful is central to the co-construction of classroom norms and helps children learn what counts as an acceptable form of mathematical argumentation. For an explanation or justification to be accepted, it must be interpretable by peers and often involve actions on mathematical objects (Cobb et al., 1992; Cobb & McClain, 2001). Across studies, teachers supported children’s development of these norms by asking clarifying questions, extending students’ reasoning, and using peer strategies as public models during whole-class discussions that contributed to the interactive constitution of sociomathematical norms (Cobb et al., 1992; Cobb et al., 1997; Yackel, 1995; Yackel et al., 1999). The underlying assumption is that sociomathematical norms can reorganize children’s beliefs about what counts as valid argumentation, and that teachers play a central role in supporting the development of productive mathematical dispositions by guiding the negotiation of these norms. Moreover, as teachers engage in these interactions, they are not only guiding but also learning from children’s reasoning, which in turn leads them to adapt and refine their teaching practices. When children offer different, more sophisticated, or more efficient solutions, they are enacting sociomathematical norms through mathematical activity (Yackel & Cobb, 1996). Children’s mathematical activity with objects supports the teacher’s developing understanding of their mathematical thinking, which in turn reshapes future instructional decisions. For example, a second-grade teacher, through interpreting children’s solutions and their concepts of ten, reconceptualized the activity to better align with both their current understandings and their potential mathematical development (Yackel et al., 1999). This shift illustrates how teachers’ understanding of children’s reasoning can lead to more responsive and developmentally appropriate instructional moves, grounded in children’s mathematical practices and ways of knowing in the classroom (Gay, 2018; Paris & Alim, 2017). These teacher adaptations, grounded in children’s reasoning, are foundational to the sociomathematical norms that support ongoing mathematical development, as discussed in the following section. Sociomathematical Norms Supporting Mathematical Practices and Identity Sociomathematical norms support the development of mathematical practices by structuring participation around the evolving shared repertoire of the classroom, where meaning is continually negotiated through mutual engagement. These practices are reflected in children’s and teachers’ mathematical interpretations and activities, which serve as psychological correlates of the classroom’s jointly constructed mathematical norms (Cobb et al., 1997; Cobb & Yackel, 1996). Such negotiation ensures that mathematical activity is not merely procedural but becomes a shared, principled way of reasoning, grounded in the community’s evolving understanding of what counts as valid and meaningful in mathematics. Classroom-based studies reveal that sociomathematical norms shape how communities evaluate, adopt, and refine taken-as-shared mathematical practices through interaction and negotiation (Bowers et al., 1999; Cobb et al, 1997; Cobb et al., 2001; McClain, 2000). Specifically, McClain’s (2000) study highlights how taken-as-shared practices emerged for both the teacher and children through their participation in mathematical activities. The teacher supported first-grade children in explaining their solutions using symbolizations, written notations, or graphics that represented their reasoning. Because the children were emergent readers, her use of visible notations on the board enabled them to verbally justify their solutions, using these tools to clarify and communicate their thinking (McClain & Cobb, 2001). The notations also helped children compare and contrast solutions, fostering recognition of mathematically different responses and supporting the development of sociomathematical norms. Over time, the children adapted the teacher’s generalized notations into personally meaningful representational schemes. For example, while the teacher used the symbol “V” to represent all solutions, the children used variations of it to represent number partitioning. This shared understanding prompted the teacher to adopt the children’s interpretation, thereby validating and building on their representational practices (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Paris & Alim, 2017).  An interaction of this kind exemplifies the reflexive nature of sociomathematical norms, where instructional practices and children’s cultural-mathematical contributions co-evolve through negotiation, shaping both what counts as mathematical reasoning and who is recognized as a competent participant (Yackel & Cobb, 1996). These taken-as-shared practices emerge through sustained participation, where children become recognized members of a mathematical community by contributing ideas that reflect and shape their developing identities (Boaler & Greeno, 2000; Cobb et al., 2009; Cobb & Hodge, 2002; Martin, 2000). Ultimately, the norms of reasoning and mathematical practice that support children's participation contribute to their mathematical identities (Nasir, 2002). Thus, sociomathematical norms function as both epistemological and social tools, supporting disciplinary learning while affirming children’s evolving identities as knowers and doers of mathematics. Sociomathematical Norms and Equity Sociomathematical norms play a critical role in shaping equitable learning environments by determining whose reasoning is recognized as valid and how mathematical competence and identity are constructed within classroom communities. Specifically, mathematical competence is characterized by the dispositions children hold, the ways they engage with content, and the values and participatory practices they develop within their classroom communities (Gresalfi & Cobb, 2006). Teachers’ beliefs shape how mathematical competence is defined and recognized, influencing which forms of reasoning are supported in the classroom (Cobb & Yackel, 1996). Without critical attention to the classroom norms and practices, there is a risk of privileging dominant forms of reasoning while marginalizing the intellectual contributions of children from nondominant communities. In classrooms where sociomathematical norms are co-constructed, the authority over mathematical knowledge resides in the community of learners. Teachers and children together form a community of validators of knowledge, where all children have opportunities to articulate their reasoning and justification, thereby supporting the development of their mathematical dispositions (Cobb et al., 1993; Cobb & Hodge, 2002; McClain & Wood, 2001; Wood et al., 1990). Accordingly, this collective validation shifts dominant conceptions of learning found in traditional school settings, where teachers are positioned as sole authorities and children as passive recipients, by creating more equitable opportunities for mathematical learning. In early education, power and authority shape how knowledge is constructed and whose reasoning is legitimized. Co-constructing sociomathematical norms becomes a powerful mechanism for disrupting these hierarchical structures (Cobb et al., 2009). Mathematical authority can be redistributed when classrooms adopt equitable norms that value student reasoning, collaboration, and multiple solution strategies (Boaler & Staples, 2008). When children are positioned as contributors to mathematical knowledge, rather than passive recipients, they are more likely to develop a sense of competence and belonging, key factors in supporting equitable learning and long-term engagement in mathematics. However, power relations within educational contexts often reproduce hierarchies based on race and social class, shaping access to meaningful mathematical learning opportunities (Gutiérrez, 2013; Martin, 2000; Nasir & Cobb, 2007). These structural dynamics influence how Black children are positioned in the classroom and whose ways of knowing are recognized as legitimate, ultimately impacting both participation and identity development. Nevertheless, teaching and pedagogical approaches grounded in culturally relevant education offer a powerful counter to these inequities by affirming and sustaining children’s cultural knowledge, promoting inclusive participation, and supporting the development of positive mathematical identities (Aronson & Laughter, 2016; paper under review, 2025; Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Paris & Alim, 2017). Therefore, this underscores the need for culturally relevant interactions that affirm and sustain Black children’s identities, disrupt deficit narratives, and expand access to equitable, meaningful early computer science learning Culturally Relevant Education This dissertation study conceptualizes culturally relevant education as an approach that combines both teaching practices and equity-centered pedagogical commitments to affirm children's cultural identities and promote academic excellence. Drawing on Aronson and Laughter’s (2016; paper under review, 2025) conceptualization of culturally relevant education, which integrates pedagogy and practice, I first discuss Culturally Relevant Pedagogy and Culturally Sustaining Pedagogy as frameworks that inform teachers’ commitments to crafting learning opportunities through social interactions that affirm and sustain children’s cultural identities within the learning process. Subsequently, I examine culturally responsive teaching as the enactment of these pedagogical commitments through specific instructional practices that leverage children’s epistemologies and diverse communicative practices to expand how content knowledge is accessed and constructed. Finally, I illustrate how these frameworks collectively address issues of power and social justice. Ultimately, this integrated approach aims to transform educational contexts characterized by hegemonic norms, standardization, and marginalization, thereby fostering equitable and inclusive learning environments that affirm and sustain the cultural identities of all children. Culturally Relevant Pedagogy as a Model of Learning As a model of learning, Culturally Relevant Pedagogy supports rich educational opportunities by centering children’s cultural knowledge, deepening intellectual engagement, and affirming their identities within classroom interactions. More specifically, it reflects a teacher’s commitment to empowering children through learning experiences that support (1) academic success, (2) the development and maintenance of cultural competence, and (3) the cultivation of critical consciousness (Ladson-Billings, 1995). Learning, therefore, must be understood as a socially and culturally situated process in which children’s knowledge and practices are essential resources for sustaining identity, advancing equity, and fostering transformative outcomes. Yet early childhood education has often been organized around deficit-based assumptions about learners, particularly Black children, that devalue their cultural assets and intellectual capacities (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2006; Paris, 2012; Valencia, 1997). These assumptions are frequently embedded in assessment practices that overlook how Black children demonstrate understanding through culturally grounded ways of knowing, communicating, and problem-solving. Early childhood interventions, especially those focused on experimental evaluations and causal inferences, have often reinforced these deficit perspectives by giving limited attention to how race, culture, and identity may moderate learning outcomes, thereby widening the opportunity gap (Bruno & Iruka, 2022; Ladson-Billings, 2007). Such practices reflect a narrow conception of how children’s learning is understood and assessed, which disconnects them from their cultural contexts and undermines both the validity of assessment and the provision of equitable learning opportunities. Over time, these perspectives have shaped teachers’ beliefs, expectations, and instructional decisions. As a result, classrooms often rely on didactic, individualized approaches that privilege dominant learning norms while marginalizing the relational, cultural ways many Black children engage with the world (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Lave & Wenger, 1991).These dominant norms not only define what counts as legitimate knowledge but also determine who is recognized as a competent learner, reinforcing inequitable patterns of participation in the classroom (Cobb et al., 2009). In response, culturally relevant pedagogy disrupts these norms by cultivating socially affirming learning environments that center children’s cultural knowledge and support Black children’s academic success. Pedagogical Commitments to Cultural Continuity and Communities of Practice Pedagogical commitments to cultural continuity require teachers to foster intellectual curiosity and academic success through culturally grounded interactions and shared, situated learning practices. In this view, learning is a collective endeavor in which teachers and children learn from one another, forming a classroom community that legitimizes diverse epistemologies and supports children’s disciplinary competence, practices, and dispositions (Ladson-Billings, 1995; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Paris & Alim, 2017; Yackel & Cobb, 1996). Such an approach reframes teaching as a relational and cultural act, where learning emerges through shared participation and children are positioned as capable knowers whose experiences and ways of understanding are affirmed within classroom interactions. Teachers support the development and maintenance of children’s cultural competence in the disciplines by drawing on their funds of knowledge and valuing diverse ways of expressing understanding throughout the learning process (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Ladson-Billings, 2014). Consequently, this is critical because children’s identities are shaped by whether their cultural practices are recognized and valued through participation in disciplinary learning contexts (Nasir & Cobb, 2007; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998). When children’s cultural knowledge, participation, and communication styles are reflected in classroom learning, they are more likely to be seen and to see themselves as competent participants, deepening their engagement and connection to the discipline. However, merely affirming cultural knowledge within the dominant canon falls short. Without sustaining children’s evolving cultural, linguistic, and epistemic practices, classrooms risk reinforcing static notions of culture, rather than honoring its dynamic, evolving nature (Paris, 2012; Paris & Alim, 2014). Accordingly, culturally sustaining pedagogy seeks to create continuity between children’s evolving cultural and epistemological practices and classroom learning, supporting both academic achievement and deeper identification with disciplinary knowledge. Culturally sustaining pedagogy aims to achieve educational equity not through assimilation to dominant norms, but by legitimizing and sustaining diverse cultural identities as central to learning. As Paris and Alim (2017) explain, it “seeks to perpetuate and foster to sustain linguistic, literate, and cultural pluralism as part of the democratic project of schooling” (p. 1). Building on the foundation of culturally relevant pedagogy and its commitment to affirming children’s cultural identities, culturally sustaining pedagogy extends this work by explicitly aiming to sustain those identities within classroom communities of practice. Its emergence was a direct response to concerns about the misinterpretation and appropriation of culturally relevant pedagogy through hegemonic lenses of whiteness (Alim et al., 2020; Ladson-Billings, 2014).  As a result, some implementations of asset-based pedagogy have focused narrowly on fixed social identities or static representations of children’s communities. However, cultural ways of knowing are dynamic, and teachers must resist assuming static relationships between race and culture (Alim et al., 2020; Gutiérrez & Rogoff, 2003; Paris, 2012; Paris & Alim, 2017). Teachers’ instruction must be responsive to how Black children enact a multiplicity of cultural practices through situated learning activities, while also supporting them in maintaining and developing knowledge that reflects their current cultural and political realities (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 2009; Lave & Wenger, 1991). Therefore, pedagogies must respond to the lived realities of Black children, whose cultural knowledge is shaped through participation in communities of practice across varied contexts. Because learning occurs within shared norms and culturally organized practices, Black children navigate their identities through participation in culturally relevant interactions (Alim, 2011; Paris, 2012; Yackel & Cobb, 1996). These interactions offer insight into how responsive teaching can affirm and sustain Black children’s cultural knowledge and practices, support identity development, and foster equitable learning opportunities. Sustaining Children’s Epistemologies Through Responsive Interactions Sustaining children’s epistemologies through culturally relevant interactions begins with teachers legitimizing their knowledge and ways of knowing through responsive instruction. When teachers intentionally validate, affirm, and build on children’s cultural knowledge, meaning-making practices, and lived experiences, they create learning environments that support both identification with the discipline and academic achievement (Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995a; Paris, 2012; Paris & Alim, 2017). Culturally responsive teaching supports this work through two key interactional pathways: (1) leveraging children’s cultural knowledge to support disciplinary understanding and dispositions through culturally congruent instruction, and (2) implementing participation structures that invite children’s voices and allow for diverse ways of responding and engaging in learning (Gay, 2018, 2021, 2023). Thus, responsive teaching is not only a vehicle for sustaining cultural identity but also a site of meaning-making, where children interpret and negotiate disciplinary knowledge through culturally relevant interactions. Specifically, through these interactions, teachers facilitate and participate in the co-construction of norms that create learning opportunities for Black children’s reasoning to become visible and recognized as legitimate within disciplinary engagement (Gay, 2018; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Yackel & Cobb, 1996). In this way, culturally responsive teaching not only expands access to disciplinary knowledge but also repositions Black children as competent knowers whose epistemologies shape the intellectual work of the classroom. These practices affirm Black children’s cultural identities and diverse ways of participating, learning, and making meaning (Gay, 2010, 2018; Wenger, 1998). Such pedagogical practices are foundational to equity, as they challenge dominant norms of teaching and learning by legitimizing the epistemologies and repertoires of practice of Black children as central to academic success. Bridging Pedagogy and Teaching: Equity and Justice I begin with a critical question inspired by Alim and Paris (2017, p. 14), which feels especially urgent in this current moment of spring 2025: In a political context shaped by white supremacy, capitalism, and the persistence of white normative practices in education, teaching, and learning, what knowledge must our racialized children sustain in order to survive, resist, and transform power structures designed to preserve themselves above all else? Teaching is never neutral; it is always a political act that either sustains inequitable systems or disrupts them. In bridging pedagogy and practice, I contend that realizing a vision of equitable learning in early childhood computer science education requires the integration of pedagogical and instructional models that support justice-oriented teaching. Many pedagogical approaches have sought to empower teachers and Black children while advancing classroom equity and social justice (e.g., Foster, 1995; Lee, 1995; McAllister & Irvine, 2000; Nieto, 1992). I center culturally relevant pedagogy (Ladson-Billings, 1995a), culturally responsive teaching (Gay, 2018), and culturally sustaining pedagogy (Paris, 2012; Paris & Alim, 2017). All share a commitment to equity and justice, yet offer distinct pedagogical practices that support all learners in their classrooms. For too long, early childhood education has focused on eliminating the so-called achievement gap through the narrow lens of school readiness, with insufficient attention to the biased practices and daily interactions that are the true drivers of the opportunity gap (Iruka et al., 2022; Iruka et al., 2023). To fully work toward disrupting these systemic oppressions and shifting dominant norms in early education contexts, all three pedagogical approaches I center in my dissertation are necessary. I conceptualize their integration as culturally relevant interactions, which support social justice and equitable learning through the co-construction of classroom norms that affirm children’s cultural knowledge and ways of knowing (Cobb et al., 2009; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Yackel & Cobb, 1996). Building on this framework, culturally relevant interactions can support early childhood teachers and Black children in co-constructing knowledge and developing shared practices and norms through learning, while also creating space to critically interrogate inequities and engage in critical reflexivity for social justice. Responsive teaching must empower Black children to recognize and respond to injustice in order to transform systems, while also supporting critical reflexivity that enables them to evaluate and reflect on their own actions (Alim, 2020; Gay, 2018; Ladson-Billings, 1995a, 2009; Paris & Alim, 2017). The dual emphasis on social critique and critical reflexivity is essential for Black children, as it empowers them to reflect on their own thinking and evaluate the knowledge claims of others. Accordingly, through culturally relevant interactions, teachers and Black children co-develop shared criteria for evaluating knowledge, enabling distributed authority and fostering collective reflection within the classroom community of practice (Alim et al., 2020; Paris & Alim, 2017; Yackel & Cobb, 1996; Wenger, 1998). Overall, this positions Black children as capable contributors to classroom knowledge, fostering a sense of identity and belonging that challenges traditional hierarchies of power in early childhood education and supports equity (Spencer, 2006). Finally, we must not forget that to be transformative, teachers must critically practice reflexivity by examining their own roles in maintaining or disrupting oppressive systems. Literature Review Outline In the following section, I review the literature that informs this study’s focus on early computer science education and the development of culturally relevant interactions and norms. I begin by examining the historical foundations of early computer science education to trace how the field has evolved and whose perspectives have been centered or excluded. Next, I review three dominant framings of computational thinking in the literature. I then examine pedagogical and instructional approaches in early computer science education, highlighting how teaching practices shape children’s participation and learning. Finally, I review the emerging field of culturally relevant computing education, emphasizing how equity-focused frameworks reimagine early computing as a site for identity development, critical engagement, and culturally situated learning. Historical Foundations of Early Computer Science Education The history of early computer science education is closely tied to foundational work in mathematics education, where programming was envisioned as a medium through which children could construct and explore mathematical ideas in personally meaningful ways. LOGO, a programming language developed to support children's mathematical learning, enabled learners to construct knowledge through active exploration of geometry, number, and logic (Papert & Solomon, 1971; Papert, 1972, 1980). This vision contrasted sharply with traditional mathematics instruction, which often presented knowledge in decontextualized, procedural ways (Lave, 1988). Rather than treating mathematics as a set of rote skills, LOGO served as a “microworld” where children engaged in situated activity, transforming abstract mathematical concepts into tangible understandings through purposeful, context-rich exploration (Lave & Wenger, 1991; Papert, 1980, p. 125). In this view, when children engage with LOGO programming, they construct knowledge through the process of designing, which transforms powerful ideas within a discipline into tangible understandings grounded in purposeful action. Actually, this reflects Papert’s theory of constructionism, which posits that learning occurs most effectively when individuals actively construct knowledge through creating personally meaningful artifacts and sharing them within a social context (Papert, 1980, 1993). Early computer science education aligns with broader constructivist and sociocultural perspectives, which emphasize that children make sense of the world by connecting their funds of knowledge with new experiences in interaction with others (Piaget, 1952; Lave & Wenger, 1991; González, Moll, & Amanti, 2005). Constructionism builds on constructivism and resonates with sociocultural theories by emphasizing that learning is most powerful when children actively create tangible artifacts that reflect their ideas, allowing them to externalize their thinking and engage in meaningful dialogue with peers and teachers. However, constructionism often centers the individual learner and the artifact, sometimes overlooking the relational, cultural, and historical contexts that shape meaning-making. This limits its alignment with sociocultural theories when it fails to fully theorize the social processes and cultural tools mediating learning (Kafai & Burke, 2015). Thus, early computer science education should not focus solely on individual cognitive outcomes, but should also aim to transform the cultural and relational environment by cultivating shared practices, norms, and values that support meaningful computational participation. Situated Learning in Early Computer Science Education Situated learning in early computer science education emphasizes that children’s computational understanding emerges through authentic, socially grounded participation, not isolated skill drills or decontextualized tasks. In computer science education more broadly, situated learning emphasizes that students construct knowledge through engagement in real-world programming practices, where learning is shaped by the cultural and social context of the task (Ben-Ari, 2004). Although LOGO programming was originally designed to foster authentic mathematical learning, its classroom implementation was often reduced to rote coding exercises and algorithmic instruction, reflecting broader challenges in introducing programming to children (Clements & Meredith, 2003; Clements & Sarama, 1997; Rountree & Rountree, 2003). Concurrently, the assumption that learning transfers easily across contexts was increasingly questioned (Gick & Holyoak, 1980; Lave, 1988), and researchers raised doubts about LOGO’s effectiveness in promoting problem solving and transfer (Pea & Kurland, 1984). These concerns, along with limited evidence of LOGO's success in supporting transfer, spurred the development of alternative tools better aligned with situated learning principles. One such tool, Scratch, a block-based visual programming environment, was explicitly designed to remove abstract syntax barriers and to promote programming through the creation of personally meaningful projects within a collaborative, online community (Brown et al., 1989; Maloney et al., 2008; Resnick et al., 2009). Unlike LOGO, Scratch centers computational participation in culturally and socially relevant contexts, aligning more closely with the tenets of situated learning. Computational participation through socially situated and collaborative programming can actively cultivate both interest and the development of competence. When young learners engage in projects rooted in personal interests and observe the practices of more experienced peers, they deepen their skills and move from peripheral to fuller participation within the community (Lave & Wenger, 1991). Recognition and feedback further legitimize their contributions, reinforcing a sense of accomplishment and motivating sustained engagement. This framing challenges views of programming as merely technical skill acquisition, but rather about becoming a valued participant in a meaningful practice. ScratchJr, inspired by Scratch, exemplifies this approach; it is a digital programming application intentionally designed for children ages 5–7 to engage in creative, personally meaningful computational experiences that nurture both interest and competence (Bers & Resnick, 2015; Bers & Sullivan, 2019; Flannery et al., 2013). The programming blocks in ScratchJr empower children to create interactive stories and animate characters that reflect their interests,  granting them ownership of the learning process and fostering pride and ongoing engagement (Portelance et al., 2016). Nevertheless, through computational participation, children can engage within a community of learners, where observing and listening to peer explanations exposes them to new ideas and sustains their interest and growing competence with the introductory programming language of ScratchJr (Portelance & Bers, 2015; Portelance et al., 2016). For instance, in the Code and Tell study, children used peer-recorded video interviews to articulate their reasoning and programming decisions, reinforcing their understanding of core computational concepts through explanation and reflection (Portelance & Bers, 2015). This process both deepened children’s computational competence and created opportunities for peer-to-peer learning through shared explanation. However, while the Code and Tell approach fosters individual reflection and verbal articulation of computational thinking, it often lacks an explicit focus on communal reasoning practices and dialogic co-construction of understanding. From a culturally relevant computing perspective, this absence suggests a missed opportunity to affirm communal, dialogic learning practices that are central to many culturally and linguistically diverse learners (Scott et al., 2015; Ladson-Billings, 1995; Paris & Alim, 2017). My study extends this work by examining how culturally relevant interactions such as collective reasoning, affirmation, and teacher-mediated dialogue support the co-construction of norms in early programming activities.  These norms make visible how Black children’s cultural ways of knowing and doing can shape and sustain engagement in early programming activities. Community of Learners in Early Childhood Computer Science Education A learning environment that cultivates a community of learners supports children’s identity development as capable thinkers and creators, while also expanding access to computational thinking practices through collaborative participation. Such environments challenge traditional, individualistic, skills-based models of computer science education that continue to dominate early learning contexts. When collaboration is restricted by rigid classroom structures, children’s freedom to engage in personally meaningful computing projects is constrained, limiting their access to learning programming and participating in shared computational practices (Kafai & Resnick, 1996; Kafai & Burke, 2016; Wenger, 1998). The pedagogical approach of makerspaces offers a contrasting vision by creating learning environments where children engage in computational making projects that emphasize content creation and participation in a community of learners. (Bers, 2012; Sheridan et al., 2014; Strawhacker & Vizner, 2021; Strawhacker & Bers, 2018a). Participation in a community of learners creates the potential for children’s work to be seen, recognized, and valued by others, an essential condition for fostering competence and sustaining motivation. For instance, in classroom settings, makerspaces provided a space for children to showcase their computational artifacts, which not only recognized their accomplishments but also inspired children to explore new ideas for their own projects (Bers et al., 2018). Similar to the scratch online community of programmers, where children share, remix, and comment on each other’s projects, this public exchange of ideas reinforces validation as a form of enculturation into the community of practice  (Fields et al., 2013; Kafai & Burke, 2016; Wenger, 1998). Makerspaces offer materials for content creation and opportunities for peer interaction, but the environment alone was not strongly associated with fostering community building among children. Instead, responsive teacher–child interactions within makerspaces played a critical role in validating children’s computational projects and facilitating collaboration, thereby supporting the development of a sense of community among young makers (Strawhacker & Bers, 2018b). Nevertheless, there was no evidence that participation norms were co-constructed, suggesting that although children engaged in shared tasks, dominant norms of early computer science education did not effectively support the development of a sense of community among children. Thus, there is a critical need to better understand how culturally relevant teacher–child interactions can support not only computational learning but also the co-construction of inclusive norms that foster collaboration and a community of learners in early computer science education.  Such interactions are essential because they position novice learners as capable contributors, shaping their identities through recognition, co-constructed norms of participation, and affirmation of their cultural funds of knowledge. Perhaps the benefit of makerspaces is the opportunity they provide for novice children to engage in an apprentice-style model of learning, where they can observe, participate, and gradually contribute to shared computational thinking practices such as debugging or remixing others’ work (Brennan & Resnick, 2012; Brennan et al., 2010). For example, children working with peers or a facilitator in the makerspace encountered challenges that required debugging—the process of identifying and fixing errors—when building an elevator, cutting 3D objects, or constructing a toy car, illustrating how computational thinking practices are embedded in hands-on computational making (Bers et al., 2018; Strawhacker & Bers, 2018b). More importantly, these activities revealed the collaborative nature of the design process, where peer interactions and responsive facilitation fostered problem-solving and idea sharing. The design process involves planning, creating, testing, and refining solutions through iterative cycles of experimentation, feedback, and revision (Bers, 2021; Vizner & Strawhacker, 2016). While makerspaces encouraged collaboration, consistent norms for engaging in computational thinking practices were not evident across the studies. This is important because collaborative work in schools is often dominated by a small number of children, while others participate minimally or not at all, a pattern linked to status dynamics within group settings (Boaler & Staples, 2008). Furthermore, there was no evidence that children in these studies drew on their own cultural funds of knowledge to inform or shape their design solutions. Children’s identities form through meaningful participation; when their cultural knowledge is excluded, they are less likely to be seen—or to see themselves—as competent contributors. Designing virtual interactive storytelling agents provides children with the opportunity to embed personal narratives, supporting identity formation by enabling them to see themselves as creators and storytellers through computational participation (Bers, 1996, 1998; Bers et al., 1998; Bers & Cassell, 2000). In the Zora 3D virtual city project, for example, children engaged in storytelling that represented their identities, along with collaborative design and community building (Bers, 2001). Notably, children negotiated and constructed norms for computational participation in the virtual space, linking personal values to their avatars and defining those values in ways that reflected their lived experiences. These norms were also evident offline in face-to-face micro-communities, where children enacted shared understandings through embodied, relational practices. The findings underscore the need for culturally relevant teacher–child interactions that not only sustain Black children’s identities but also support the co-construction of norms for participation in programming within early computer science education. Educational Robotics and Programming in Early Computer Science Education  The emergence of educational robots in early computing education transformed learning by positioning young children as active problem-solvers, demonstrating that meaningful engagement with programming can begin in early childhood. Educational robots have always been central to constructionism; notably, the first LOGO turtle was a physical robot, designed to engage young children in programming through tangible interaction, rather than as a screen-based object (Bers, 2008; McNerney, 2004; Papert, 1980; Perlman, 1976). Reflecting constructionism’s core belief that children build knowledge most effectively through hands-on, tangible engagement with meaningful tasks. Furthermore, the ability for children to mimic the turtle’s programmed movements supported embodied understanding of abstract input and command execution, reinforcing the view of cognition as grounded in physical experience (Grover & Pea, 2013; Papert, 1980). Building on this foundation of tangible interaction, Resnick and colleagues extended constructionist principles by integrating programming with LEGO building sets, leading to the development of MultiLogo, a system that enabled children to construct and program interactive LEGO models (Resnick, 1990; Resnick et al., 1996). This laid the groundwork for programmable LEGO bricks, eventually evolving into LEGO Mindstorms, which allowed learners to design and control robotic systems through direct physical engagement with computational elements. From these developments, a lineage of tangible programming tools continues today with educational robots like KIBO (see Figure 2.2) and the newer ScratchJr Bots, both specifically designed to help young children explore coding through screen-free, developmentally appropriate interactions (Bers, 2019; Lee et al., 2013; Sullivan & Bers, 2016; Weinstock et al., 2025). Studies have demonstrated that young children from prekindergarten can successfully learn programming with educational robots and block-based programming languages (Elkin et al., 2016; Pugnali et al., 2017; Sullivan & Bers, 2016; Sullivan et al., 2017). These studies show that even very young learners can grasp foundational computational thinking concepts such as sequencing and debugging when programming is introduced through tangible hands-on tools. Educational robots offer young children hands-on, sensorimotor experiences that foster engagement and can potentially contribute to their cognitive and social-emotional development (Bers, 2021; Fields & Kafi, 2020). Programming educational robots requires children to engage with symbolic representations that transform the robots' movements, reflecting their ability to plan, sequence, and reason, supporting their computational thinking. In early childhood education, programming involves children programming the robot by commands or codes (such as moving forward, backward, or turning left and right), demonstrating their understanding of symbolic representation (Bers, 2021). Ultimately, children translate symbolic code into intended actions as they design, implement, and iteratively test their programs, engaging in computational thinking practices (Bers et al., 2019; Brennan & Resnick, 2012; Elkin et al., 2016). Although there has been debate about whether educational robots effectively support the development of computational thinking, research suggests that their impact depends heavily on pedagogical approach and teacher instructional practices (Bers, 2008; Bers, 2021; Strawhacker & Bers, 2015). Hence, there is a need to examine how culturally relevant interactions and co-constructed norms mediate the learning opportunities that educational robots afford in supporting prekindergarten Black children’s engagement in programming and contributing to their computational thinking practices. Early Computer Science Education and Computational Thinking The integration of educational robots for teaching programming to support computational thinking (CT) in early computer science education has gained traction, as scholars and educators increasingly recognize young children’s capacity to engage in CT through interactive, hands-on (a) Code-N-Go Robot Mouse              (b) Kibo Figure 2.2. Example of Programmable Educational Robots  learning experiences. CT lacks a universal definition, as scholars and educators draw on distinct epistemological lenses to conceptualize what CT entails for learners in PreK–12 education (e.g., Grover & Pea, 2013, 2018; Relkin et al., 2021). Despite this variation, Wing (2006) broadly defined CT as “solving problems, designing systems, and understanding human behavior, by drawing on the concepts fundamental to computer science” (p. 33). These skills are not exclusive to computer scientists, Wing argued, but are fundamental to problem-solving across disciplines (e.g., mathematics, engineering) and should be taught to all children as a core intellectual competency. As a result, many researchers and educators have embraced computational thinking as an important  21st-century skill, advocating for its integration across educational levels, including in early childhood education (diSessa, 2018; Geist, 2016; Grover