To the Graduate Council: 

I am submitting herewith a thesis written by Melissa D. Hargrove entitled " Marketing 
Gullah: Identity, Cultural Politics, and Tourism". I have· examined the final copy of this 
thesis for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of 
the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts, with a major in Anthropology. 

We have read this thesis and 
recommend its acceptance: 

��� 
Dr.BenajHoZell, Major Professor 

Associate Vice Chancell r a d 
Dean of The Graduate School 



Marketing Gullah: Identity, Cultural Politics, and Tourism 

A Thesis 

Presented for the Master of Arts Degree 

The University of Tennessee, Knoxville 

Melissa D. Hargrove 

August 2000 



Copyright Melissa D. Hargrove, 2000 
All rights reserved. 

ii 



DEDICATION 

This thesis is dedicated to my 

sweet baby girls, Passley and Katie, 

and 

my soul mate and husband, Rex. 

May you someday know 

what an 

inspiration your love and 

support have been. 

Only through you three is there me. 

iii 



Acknowledgments 

I want to extend the deepest gratitude to those who allowed me the honor of 

knowing their story. Without the people of St. Helena Island, Beaufort, Charleston and 

Mt. Pleasant none of this would have been possible. I would like to thank Marquetta 

Goodwine for her assistance and friendship over the past two years. The experience of 

knowing her has been the most rewarding portion of my research. I would like to 

extend a special thanks to Carolee Brown for the kindness and hospitality she has 

extended to my family and me over the years, as well as being there to encourage me 

during those first few days in the field. Thanks to Kuji and Kumar, also, for extending 

their friendship to me and my husband and children. I also want to especially thank 

Harriett Brown for being the first person to give me a chance. 

I would also like to thank Elayne Scott, Ron and Natalie Daise, Rosalee Coaxum, 

AlfredaJamison,Jannie Gourdine, Vera Manigault, Rosalie Pazant, Andrea Brown, Mary 

Dawson and Liz Santagati for making time to sit down and speak with me. Their stories 

and insight have contributed greatly to this thesis and I am extremely grateful. 

My sincerest appreciation to my mentor and friend, Dr. Benita Howell. Her 

kindness and intellectual expertise have contributed greatly to my education, while 

her encouraging words and belief in my ability have been my greatest support. I would 

also like to thank Dr. Faye V. Harrison for her early encouragement from afar and her 

continual challenging contributions to my work. She has been a great inspiration since 

the first day we met. In addition, I am grateful to Dr. Mariana Ferreira for her 

enthusiasm and encouragement concerning this thesis. Her ability to constructively 

critique my work has been extremely synergetic. 

I would like to thank the Women's Studies Program at the University of 

Tennessee for the grant award which funded my first season of fieldwork. I would also 

like to thank Avery Research Center at the College of Charleston for their kindness and 

cooperation conc�rning my research. 

Lastly, but certainly not least, I would like to thank my family for their love and 

iv 



unwavering support over the last three years. Thank you Passley and Katie for being the 

inspiration that keeps me striving to be the best person I can be. May you someday be 

as proud to be my daughters as I am to be your Mommy. The greatest thanks goes to 

my husband, Rex, for all the years of love, encouragement, and truth that have brought 

me to this point. Your sacrifice and dedication have allowed me the freedom to pursue 

my dreams; words cannot do justice to how much you mean to me. I also want to thank 

my Mommy, Tammy, Steve, and Zoee, Gabe, Robin, and Tyelo for being there over the 

years. Your smiling faces and encouraging words have meant more than you know. I 

extend love and kindness to each and every person who has helped me get through the 

last three years. 

V 



Abstract 

This thesis represents an ethnographic study of the current situation of the 

South Carolina Gullah. Research was conducted during the summer of 1998 and 1999, 

in the Sea Island communities of Mt. Pleasant and St. Helena Island, to determine the 

ways in which local grassroots organizations are combating increased tourism, resort 

and retirement development, and the commoditization of their cultural heritage as a 

boost to state revenue. The sweetgrass basket weavers of Mt. Pleasant are situated 

within this struggle as the living legacy to their Gullah ancestry. Their insight is 

particularly enlightening concerning the current predicament of native Sea Islanders 

with respect to land ownership, the devastation of development, and the ways in which 

the traditional craft they have preserved is now being co-opted by others for economic 

benefit. Along with Mt. Pleasant, St. Helena Island is waging a war against the further 

destruction of Sea Island communities. The local inhabitants, under umbrella groups 

such as the Gullah/ Geechee Sea Island Coalition, are becoming influential on a local, 

national, and international level. Their involvement has prompted public policy which 

will ensure that their community be recognized as an area of cultural significance and, 

therefore, in need of preservation. 

Within the preservation effort these communities are experiencing internal 

conflict over whose ideas will serve to direct the future. This type of contestation also 

exists concerning the images which will seive to define Gullah culture. What does it 

mean to be Gullah in the twenty- first century? How will Gullah culture be impacted by 

increased tourism and resort development? How can the shared experiences of 

remaining Sea Island communities bring about cultural survival and accurate cultural 

representation? These are the paramount issues being addressed in this contemporary 

study of Gullah culture. 

vi 



Preface 

The past two years have brought about many changes in my perception of my 

purpose as an anthropologist. In the beginning I felt I was doing a great service for the 

Sea Island communities by bringing their story to the rest of the world. I had lofty goals 

of publication within and outside academia. Eventually, my knowledge of one particular 

culture would pay off and I could somehow use my expertise to aid this culture in their 

survival. What I now realize is that they do not need my help. They are doing an 

incredible job at the grassroots level to bring about an international awareness of their 

existence. The job of expert is taken, by those who participate in Gullah culture on a 

daily basis. My job has been as observer and participant in their culture. Through that I 

have been truly educated about the genuine meaning of community and cultural pride. 

Those interested in researching Gullah culture should understand the 

importance of becoming truly involved with those you desire to study. "A study of 

Gullah culture can only be successful if the community is part of the study process and 

not simply treated as a voiceless specimen" (Goodwine 1998a: 9). As a result of the 

growing interest in Sea Island culture, Marquetta Goodwine1 recently published a set of. 

guidelines for future research. It is obvious that the residents are unhappy with what 

has been produced from past research, however, I am hopeful that directives, such as 

those that follow, can allow us to learn from the mistakes of the past. 

Guidelines For Researching the Gullah Community (Goodwine 1998d:202- 203) 

1. Respect the fact that this is a "living culture" and that the people have a right to choose 
whether or not to be studied. 

2. Contact institutions and/ or organizations which can connect you with a Sea Island 
mentor or mentors to present information with a proper perspective. 

3. Couple all documented research and analysis of the culture with information obtained 
by discussion with Gullah community members and mentor(s). 

4. Do not attempt to speak Gullah to native speakers as a means of trying to be accepted. 

1The principal collaborator of this thesis and the founder of the Gullah/Geechee �ea Island Coalition. 

vii 



5. Do not push people to begin to speak Gullah to you or in your presence. 
6. Do not attempt to force your way into the Gullah community or to superimpose the 

ways of your own community on the Gullah people. 
7. Follow through on your word with the people that are assisting you. Always put 

something positive and beneficial back into the community. Also, make sure that the 
community has seen the completed project. 

I have worked very hard to follow these guidelines throughout my research. I am 

hopeful that everyone involved with this thesis is satisfied with my efforts. 

viii 



Table of Contents 

Chapter 

1. 

2. 

3. 

4. 

5. 

6. 

7. 

Setting the Stage 

The South Carolina Sea lslands: Past, Present, and Future 

Mt. Pleasant Basket Weavers: Keepers of the Gullah Culture 

Tourism, Commoditization, and Public Policy: Anthropology as a 
Discursive Tool for Examining the Sea lslands 

ldentity, Cultural Politics and Contestation: 
Multivocality on St. Helena lsland 

Grassroots Preservation and the Future of the St. Helena 
Gullah Community 

Lessons Learned: Celebrating Gullah Heritage 

in the Twenty-First Century 

Epilogue 

REFERENCES ClTED 

APPENDICES 

Appendix 1: Literature Review 

Appendix 2: Complete List of Research Participants 

Appendix 3: lnformed Consent Form (1998 & 1999) 

1 

15 

40 

72 

93 

123 

131 

139 

140 

149 

150 

163 

164 

Appendix 4: Cultural Protection Overlay (CPO) District, Beaufort County 168 

Appendix 5: Marquetta Goodwine Addresses the United Nations 169 

VITA 173 

ix 



List of Figures 

Figure 2.1 Map of the Sea Islands 16 

Figure 2.2 West African Areas of Origin 20 

Figure 2.3 People and Locations of Africa Relevant to South 22 
Carolina and Georgia Sea Islands 

Figure 2.4 Altered Sea Island Map lllustrating Specific Changes 30 

Figure 3.1 Effects of Development on Mt. Pleasant Roadside Basket Stands 41 

Figure 3.2 Historic Marker Dedicated to the Sweetgrass Basket Industry 45 
of Mt. Pleasant, South Carolina 

Figure 3.3 Harriett Brown at her Basket Stand on Highway 17 50 

Figure 3.4 Jannie P. Gourdine Sewing a Basket Bottom 55 

Figure 3.5 Rosalee Coaxum at her Family Basket Stand 57 

Figure 3.6 Trademark Coloring Technique Practiced by Vera Manigault 61 

Figure 3.7 Empty Basket Stand on Highway 17 66 

Figure 3.8 Examples of Gullah Commoditization 68 

Used in Tourism Literature- Charleston 

Figure 3.9 Examples of Gullah Commoditization 69 
Used in Tourism Literature- Mt. Pleasant 

Figure 3.10 Examples of Gullah Commoditization 70 
Used in Tourism Literature- Beaufort 

Figure 4.1 Mt. Pleasant Restaurant "Gullah Cuisine" 82 

Figure 4.2 Compound Layout: Carolee Brown's Homeplace 85 

Figure 4.3 Food Processing Small Business Incubator 88 

on St. Helena Island 

Figure 4.4 Projected Site for a Gullah Restaurant on St. Helena Island 90 

Figure 5.1 The Red Piano Too Art Gallery on St. Helena Island 108 

X 



Chapter One: Setting the Stage 

The Sea Islands of South Carolina are home to a rich cultural heritage known as 

Gullah. The inhabitants of these Sea Island communities have been the object of 

academic study for over a century. Their obvious connections to west and central 

Africa, from which they were brought in bondage, have intrigued scholars from a variety 

of disciplines. The anthropological literature relating to Gullah culture is in need of a 

contemporary update concerning the current issues being addressed by Gullah people, 

such as resort development, tourism, cultural commoditization, group identity, and 

cultural politics. Traditional lifeways are being lost to resort development, increased 

tourism and land loss. Several communities, such as Mt. Pleasant1 and St. Helena 

Island2
, have realized the need for grassroots involvement and are working toward the 

preservation of their culture and traditional practices. Gullah identity is in question and 

those concerned with its survival are redefining what it means to be Gullah in the 

twenty first century. 

Along with cultural preservation and revitalization there are other issues to 

address. How are local communities reacting to the devastation, conventionally termed 

"development," they view throughout the Sea Islands? Are there feasible responses to 

the influx of outside economic interests which will benefit Gullah communities? What 

can be done to slow the increase of tourists and retirees encroaching on family land? 

How are images of Gullah culture being marketed for the benefit of the South Carolina 

tourism industry? Even more significant- how can members of various Sea Island 

communities overcome internal conflicts and contestation over power and authority in 

order to unite in the struggle for the preservation of their Gullah heritage? This thesis 

seeks to answer such questions. The players in this drama are actors, grassroots 

activists, writers, entrepreneurs, basket weavers, art dealers, politicians, mothers, 

fathers, friends, and sometimes enemies. How can their shared experience bring about 

cultural survival? 

1
Community located near Charleston, South Carolina. 

2
Community located near Beaufort, SouthCarolina. 



Contemporary Issues in the Sea Islands 

As we move forward, from an anthropological standpoint, it is necessary to 

make a shift away from the study of Gullah as a culture whose elements of importance 

are those marking the past toward the study of the current processes by which Gullah 

culture is being maintained, altered, co-opted, and reinvented. More importantly, how 

are outside forces, such as development and tourism, affecting the Sea Island 

communities? Is there cause for alarm concerning cultural survival? It is becoming 

quite apparent, as more islands are being made accessible for tourism, that tourism 

pursued as an economic development strategy affects local cultures in unforseen and 

unintended ways (Cogswell 1996). More relevant to the issue of Sea Island communities 

is the growing popularity of cultural heritage tourism as a means of generating 

economic gain. Is this strategy beneficial to cultural preservation issues or will it prove 

to be another avenue of cultural exploitation? How can ethnic tourism be utilized to 

the economic and cultural advantage of Sea Island communities? These issues, among 

others, play an integral role in the future of Gullah culture. 

The majority of Sea Islands have been transformed into resort playgrounds for 

the white and wealthy. Cities such as Charleston, South Carolina, and Savannah, 

Georgia, are beginning to cater to scores of people who are interested in the mystique 

of Gullah culture, both from an academic and a personal standpoint. Among the 

increasing number of visitors to South Carolina and Georgia every year are rising 

numbers of African Americans who come in search of their own roots- both actual and 

metaphoric (Moore 1980, Jackson et al. 1991 ). During my research I gathered much 

material from tourist points of view, such as pamphlets and tour guides, which are co­

opting "Gullah" along with a few lines of the language, to entice visitors to join in and 

become part of the Gullah culture. This is important from the standpoint of identity 

politics and the commoditization, or marketing, of culture and identity (see Cohen 

1988). Other destinations, such as St. Helena Island, are at the starting point of a 

cultural conservation movement which they hope will also result in economic 

2 



opportunity for Gullah people. Those involved are being cautious, however, not to draw 

attention to what they still possess that other Gullah communities now lack -the deeds 

of ownership to their property and their traditional way of life. 

It is hard to look back, into the historical past of the Sea Islands, and 

recommend tourism on any level; however, there is no doubt in the minds of those 

keeping watch that it is an inevitable fate. The lure of the beautiful beaches, the 

enchantment of the moss-covered trees, and the charm of historic cities such as 

Beaufort, Charleston, and Savannah continue to draw visitors in large numbers. Tourism 

is here to stay; however, with adequate planning and grassroots involvement from host 

communities the Gullah of the South Carolina Sea Islands can influence the types of 

tourism which will best coincide with their desires for the future. Based on the time I 

have spent with Sea Islanders, whose words are scattered across these pages, I feel it is 

safe to assume the following: there is a strong desire that the remaining islands with a 

recognizable Gullah population be preserved for posterity while encouraging interested 

outsid�rs to come and experience the cultural heritage of Gullah people. The one 

stipulation is that the visitor return to wherever it is they came from, taking with them 

only the things which have been willingly shared ... not stolen, co-opted, or exploited. 

Visitors are no longer welcomed to take up residency in these communities and wall 

themselves off from the indigenous populations with fences and guard gates. With this 

in mind, the possible avenues for tourism in these areas should be focused in two 

distinct areas: cultural heritage tourism and ethnic tourism. Ironically, many involved in 

the struggle to safeguard against mass tourism have recognized these options, and are 

developing them in various ways. Chapter three will illustrate appropriate ways, by the 

standards of local community members, in which Gullah culture should and is being 

incorporated into the tourism industry of South Carolina. 

This thesis is an attempt to situate the current predicament of the Gullah in a 

broader anthropological context of such issues as identity (re) invention, contestation 

over authority, cultural politics, and the effects of resort, real estate, and tourism 

development. Such issues are of worldwide importance as local groups increasingly 

3 



become targeted by developers and entrepreneurs. Just as land is a nonrenewable 

resource, the various cultures of the world are under siege for the sake of the tourism 

dollar and what is lost today cannot be adequately regained tomorrow. It is essential 

that we join in the fight to save the diverse cultures of the world under threat of 

extinction. This thesis is my earnest contribution to that end. 

Fieldwork 

Research conducted for this thesis was gathered over a two year period within 

the communities of St. Helena Island and Mt. Pleasant, South Carolina. My initial visit to 

the Sea Islands was in July and August of 1998, which lasted nearly four weeks. In 1999 

I extended my stay to the entire month of July. The initial focus of research was the 

preseivation of sweetgrass basketry in Mt. Pleasant and the role of basket cooperatives 

formed by the weavers. I was introduced to the idea of cooperatives in the literature 

(see Day 1982) and became interested in the role of women in economi_cs through arts 

and crafts. Research led me to previous work conducted among the basket weavers of 

Mt. Pleasant (see Day 1982; Twining 1983; Rosengarten 1986; Derby 1980). From these 

sources I gathered my initial list of potential participants. It was a rewarding experience 

with a notable lesson. The weavers I managed to locate were hostile to the idea of 

participating in any further academic study. Their distrust of my intention made it 

impossible for me to establish rapport, which is vital for ethnographic study. By the 

fourth day I realized it would only hinder my research to mention past material 

concerning sweetgrass basketry. With that I began going stand to stand. 

What proved most beneficial to my research was initially undetectable. During 

my fieldwork I rented a research cottage on St. Helena Island, an hour from Mt. 

Pleasant. I learned of the cottage through my interaction with the Gullah/ Geechee Sea 

Island Coaliton, founded by Marquetta Goodwine. Through e-mail and phone 

conversations I decided this would be an opportune place to stay, due to location. The 

cottage is within walking distance of the Penn Center. Through day to day interaction 

4 



with community members on St. Helena I learned of potential weavers who might 

speak with me. I was also informed of Avery Research Center, part of the College of 

Charleston, through similar means. The archives at Avery were theoretically beneficial, 

in that I realized a need for a broader, more contemporary study of Gullah culture; one 

which situated the Gullah communities along the coast of South Carolina in the current 

predicament of increased tourism, land loss, resort development and cultural 

destruction. 

Venturing out to conduct fieldwork is a formidable undertaking, especially 

under time constraint. In retrospect, I now realize I was completely overbearing 

concerning the research aspect of my first visit. I was worried I wouldn't be able to 

collect enough data, and that anxiety transferred over. into my interaction with the 

people of St. Helena Island and Mt. Pleasant. I now know it was not the words on paper 

that informed my ideas about the current situation in the Sea Islands; it was the daily 

interaction with the people. This type of encounter, often termed participant 

observation, makes it possible to observe daily interactions and social situations that 

help to create a more coherent picture of any particular group of people. It also 

allowed for a more intimate relationship between me and my informants, because the 

situation reveals that we are both simply people. 

My research trips were filled with constant participation in the daily lives of Sea 

Islanders. My neighbor, Mr. Parker, was always there to lend an ear when I was 

frustrated or discouraged. I can remember trying to secure an interview with a certain 

gentleman who had taught basket weaving at Penn School in the early years. His family 

made it clear he did not want to speak with any researchers and I just wanted a chance 

to talk with him. Mr. Parker, who had grown up with this man, spoke with the family to 

try to encourage them to give me a chance, but they refused. I was so grateful for his 

kindness. He was always watching out for me. Also, our conversations informed me of 

the rapid changes taking place throughout the Sea Islands. 

A typical day began with a cup of coffee and the local news; the Gullah Sentinel 

and the Beaufort Gazette. Marquetta, or a member of her family, would have dropped 

5 



them on the front steps of the cottage by early morning. I always spoke with her to find 

out what her plans for the day were, and if I could tag along. Several times I was able to 

accompany her. We made trips to Hilton Head to secure a book signing, to Savannah 

for a visit to the Civil Rights Museum, and to Bluffton to visit the Heyward House, which 

is famous for the two slave quarters on the grounds. Marquetta was also involved with a 

national program for the Girl Scouts of America, in which the girls visited sites all over 

the United States to learn about history. They stopped off in St. Helena to take 

Marqetta's tour, and she invited me to tag along. We began at the Penn Center, where 

she gave them the history and significance of the Center. We went to her homeplace 

and led the girls down to the waterfront marsh, where they learned how Africans were 

brought through these marshes in small boats and deposited on St. Helena Island as 

enslaved property. Events such as this were valuable in that they exhibit the growing 

interest in Sea Island culture and history. We later returned to 'Hunnuh Home,' where 

members of Marquetta's family had prepared fried chicken, potato salad, red rice and 

okra, and bread. 

I was also able to interact with local business owners on a daily basis. There are 

several U-Pick farms on St. Helena Island where I would buy my tomatoes, strawberries, 

watermelon, and corn. There is also a restaurant which has great authentic Gullah food 

that we visited several times. This restaurant sponsors many local events, such as book 

signings for local artists and live music promoting local talent. The book signing for The 

Legacy of Ibo Landing was held there, which I attended my second day on the island 

during my first trip. I also traveled to neighboring islands, such as Harbor Island, where 

I met a local who owns a surf shop. He told me stories about the filming of Prince of 

Tides, Forrest Gump, and the Big Chill, all filmed right around St. Helena Island. He was 

also very informative about the growing interest in Gullah culture. 

The highlight of my second trip to St. Helena was a special event held to 

welcome Marquetta and the other members of the Gullah/Geechee Sea Island Coalition 

home from her travels around the world. There was music, food, and lots of 

conversation about all the exciting things going on throughout the Sea Islands 

6 



concerning the preservation of Gullah language and culture. Marquetta gave a moving 

presentation. I was honored that my family and I were invited to share in that 

celebration. I was also able to attend her presentation for the Ford Foundation, which 

was held at the Penn Center. We also got to spend much time with Marquetta's 

husband and son. Both love the beach as much as my husband and daughters, so they 

spent lots of time together. It also gave me a chance to discuss many things with Kuji. 

His unique perspective, as an outsider yet an accepted member of the community, was 

particularly valuable. More than anything he assured me that their reluctance to speak 

with me had nothing to do with me, and very much to do with exploitations of the past. 

One advantage of staying at Hunnuh Home was that I got to meet other researchers 

from different disciplines and talk to them about their research. All my daily 

experiences were crucial in the formation of this thesis. 

In the times I was not conducting formal interviews I was able to visit many 

historic sites within Beaufort, Charleston, and Mt. Pleasant. I visited the Old Slave 

Market, Avery Research Center, the downtown open-air markets that Charleston is 

famous for, the Charles Pickney site, Boone Hall Plantation, and the historic homes of 

Beaufort. I learned many valuable things about the history of the lowcountry, as well as 

facts which dictate the social climate. When visitors come to Beaufort and Charleston 

they see breathtaking homes; Gullah natives see houses built on the backs of their 

ancestors and point out aspects of the architecture which tell a different story. For 

example, most of these homes have a distinct feature on the bottom floor with small 

doors and vented airways, which gives the house great character and style. In truth, this 

space is where captive Africans were kept while being transferred from place to place, a 

dungeon in disguise. 

Throughout the periods of enslavement, the struggle for self-sufficiency as 

freedmen and women, and the current threats to cultural survival the Gullah spirit has 

endured, carving out a niche that will not be erased with ease. Even as the countless 

residents are moved off their land, their history persists in small familial units spread 

along the islands of South Carolina. Through my earliest experiences of fieldwork I 

7 



realized the existence of animosity on the part of many Sea Islanders who had been 

involved in past sociological and anthropological studies. From the standpoint of the 

Gullah their stories have historically been articulated through the words of others and 

pseudonyms only served to mask their identity. Marquetta Goodwine once wrote a 

column in the Gullah Sentinef entitled "Crak ya teeth." This represents a Gullah saying 

which literally means "Don't let others speak for youI Open your mouth and tell your 

own story. It's yours !" For this reason, and contrary to standard anthropological 

practice, pseudonyms were not used in this thesis. The names which appear are the 

actual names of those interviewed4
• A complete list of research participants appears in 

Appendix 2. 

This thesis relies most heavily on ethnographic interviews. Potential participants 

reviewed a written consent form (Appendix 3) which was signed upon agreement to 

take part. In feasible situations audio recordings were made of all oral interviews. 

Those interviews appear here as they were recorded. Unfortunately, the intense noise 

of Highway 1 7  prevented audio taping of the Mt. Pleasant sweetgrass basket weavers. 

Their stories were developed from field notes taken by hand. Over the course of 1 998-

1 999 I have maintained close contact with my principal participant, Marquetta 

Goodwine, in order to present a more cohesive view of contemporary problems within 

these communities. Her status in the Gullah communities aided in facilitating local 

cooperation. I spoke with many who would not consent to a formal interview, although 

our interaction facilitated a more coherent framework from which to present my 

findings. 

Photography plays an important role in presenting a contemporary survey of 

Gullah people. Photographs were taken with a 35 mm camera with the intention of 

3 
A newspaper which began publication in 1997 and is known as the black voice of the Lowcountry. The 
Gullah Sentinel spotlights news and events about and for African Americans. They also keep readers 
informed about issues that affect them and focus on the concerns of the community (excerpt taken 
from http;(lusers.aol.com/gullgeeco/Gullah Sentinel.html, June 28,2000). 

4 
There was a special section included on the Informed Consent (Appendix 3) which allowed 
participants to choose to be identified by name or pseudonym. 

8 



allowing visual imagery to complement discursive data. Photographs are a sensitive 

issue in these communities, for reasons which will become apparent throughout this 

thesis. Those which appear were approved by participants for inclusion. 

The Beaufort County local library was consulted for documents which are often 

difficult to get outside the area, such as maps of newly named areas that were once 

recognized as communities5 , common names of the area, historical sites that are no 

longer present, and archival information such as local newspapers and unpublished 

research from nearby colleges. Although I do not cite any sources directly these 

materials were invaluable in pointing me in the right direction- toward a future focused 

study of the Gullah as they presently exist. .. not as they have existed historically (which 

characterizes the sources found in the local library). 

Limitations of Representation 

It is important to Goodwine that accurate information concerning Gullah culture 

reach outsiders to destroy the myths and misinterpretations of the past. It is for this 

reason that I present Marquetta as the primary spokesperson for Gullah preservation. 

The Gullah/Geechee Sea Island Coalition has many supporters and contributors 

throughout the Sea Islands of South Carolina and Georgia, as well as throughout the 

world. The limitations, however, were imposed by the picture of the past as one of 

exploitation and misrepresentation. Sea Islanders are not, at present, ready to hand 

over their stories to academic researchers. 

The relatively brief periods of time I have spent in the Sea Islands over the past 

three years also are a limitation. Because many do not yet trust my intentions, 

communication with a broadly diverse, representative array of Sea Islanders has been 

extremely difficult. Being a woman also limited my range of social interactions but 

proved to be advantageous. 

5Local maps helped to darify the area of St. Helena Island designated as Frogmore, a name I found in 
earlier literature about the Sea Islands. 

9 



Gullah Women: Leading the Way 

Throughout history women and their stories have been invisible (Jordan and 

. Weedon (1 995). Within the past three decades, however, anthropology, along with 

many other branches of social science, have recognized the need for 'herstories' and 

have begun to instigate research along these lines. In the case of this thesis, I did not 

begin with the intention of representing the current predicament of the South Carolina 

Gullah from a feminist perspective. Over time, however, I realized that all the leaders of 

the organizations and grassroots groups who are fighting to preserve Gullah culture are 

directed by women. Only one of the my research participants was male. 

The friends and acquaintances I have made during my research should be 

considered in light of my own gender. I am a woman. It is important that I make it clear 

that women are not the only players in this drama. They are, however, the ones I made 

a connection with on many levels. As a whole, the Gullah women I encountered 

exhibited a strong, confident, kind disposition. They possess a nature that is difficult to 

explain- one that suggests their history of hard earned independence. In many 

conversations during daily interactions I observed women, always trying to figure out 

what it was that set them apart from other groups of women in my mind. Then one day 

I was with Carolee Brown, who owns the cottage I rented during my fieldwork and is 

the mother of Marquetta Goodwine (my principal collaborator on the project), and we 

began to talk about Gullah women. Carolee told me about the history she remembers. 

Women were always right along side the men working in the fields. They always pulled 

their own load, and they still do. 

The female slaves of Sea Island plantations did all they same types of work that 

was expected of the men (Schwalm 1 997). 

On antebellum rice plantations, field work was slave women's work. 
The preparation of the fields, the planting, cultivation, harvesting, 
and processing of rice, and the maintenance of the elaborate 

plantation irrigation systems occupied the daily lives of most 
plantation women (Schwalm 1 997: 1 9). 

1 0  



It was not only in the fields in which these women made their importance known. 

The freed women of the South Carolina Sea Islands were deeply involved in the final 

destruction of the system of slavery (see Schwalm 1 997). Their dedication and 

involvement pushed the Union to accept emancipation as a war goal. They also openly 

confronted the institutionalized forms of power: the state, the Union, and the white 

power structure. The period of Reconstruction was one of defiance for the freed 

women of the South Carolina Sea Islands (Schwalm 1 997). These women actively 

protested any compromise concerning the autonomy of their freedom with regard to 

the agricultural system. Gullah women protested even the presence of white planters 

and, in some cases resorted to physical violence. Therefore, the history of these women 

gives us clues as to the strong and autonomous nature of the Sea Island women I have 

come to know. 

The current struggle for autonomy and the right to participate in the structuring 

of their own fate is nothing new to these powerful women. Their female ancestors 

helped shape the historic time following Emancipation. They are the daughters of those 

who came before, many of which participated in the Civil Rights Movement and other 

events credited with the subsequent restructuring of social freedom for the African 

Americans of the Southern United States. It was on St. Helena Island that Dr. Martin 

Luther King came to retreat from the rest of the world in order to relax with his family. 

Within this community Dr. King found much support in the form of females registered 

to vote6 and ready to take action against racism to promote social equality. 

The following thesis is just one interpretation, my interpretation, of the current 

situation within the Gullah communities of St. Helena Island and Mt. Pleasant, South 

Carolina. It is my truest intention to allow the words and stories presented here to 

represent a contemporary view of Gullah culture. Within several contexts of opposition; 

to resort development, inappropriate forms of tourism, and to previous constructions 

of Gullah identity, history, and culture, I wil l  examine the dynamics and interaction of 

6At that particular time in history, a majority of African American women (within an African American 
community in the South) being registered to vote was rare. 

1 1  



those involved as well as the politics of identity formation and reinvention. These issues 

are inextricably linked to the question of "who constructs culture?" and "what part will 

the residents of these particular Sea Island communities play in the redefinition of their 

cultural identity?" 

Composition of Chapters 

Chapter two will introduce the Gullah of the South Carolina Sea Islands. 

Although the Gullah supposedly are spread throughout the Sea Islands, which extend 

from Georgetown, South Carolina to Cumberland Island, Georgia, the South Carolina 

Gullah have been more successful in retaining their Gullah identity and lifeways. 

Reasons for this will be elaborated in the text. The material in this chapter will focus on 

the geographical, historical, and cultural significance of the Sea Island communities. 

The geographical isolation of the Sea Islands is a very important piece in the puzzle of 

Gullah cultural survival. Historically, these locations were among the few places in the 

United States where freed blacks actually obtained land they had worked while 

enslaved and became self-sufficient farmers, fishers and crafters. Such events as the 

Civil War, known as "big shoot'' to the Gullah, and the Port Royal Experiment played an 

enormous role in the shaping of Sea Island history. 

Chapter three will be devoted to the sweetgrass basket weavers of Mt. Pleasant 

who took time to share their stories. The time I spent in the company of these women 

represents the beginning of my journey. It illustrates the common frustrations of 

fieldwork as well as the difficulty of establishing rapport with complete strangers. 

Within their words is a larger picture, which is intended to emerge slowly throughout 

the pages of this thesis. It is a picture of struggle, determination, and everyday life. It is 

a picture of the current predicament these women find themselves in, with regard to 

changes brought about by tourism and resort development. It is a picture of an identity, 

being reshaped each day with the increasing importance of Gullah culture within the 

tourism industry of South Carolina. How else could one explain the current 

1 2  



contestation over an identity which was vehemently denied by all only three decades 

ago? 

Chapter four will explore the past, present and future of tourism throughout the 

Sea Islands. In order to do this effectively I will define the types of tourism being 

utilized, such as cultural heritage tourism and ethnic tourism, as well as the effects of 

tourism on specific Gullah communities. I will pay special attention to the communities 

of St. Helena Island and Mt. Pleasant, as those are the dominant areas in which I 

conducted ethnographic fieldwork. Also, I will reveal the many ways in which Gullah 

culture is being commoditized. In this chapter I will discuss the use of public policy 

and illustrate ways in which public officials in Beaufort County have joined forces with 

grassroots activists in order to preserve Gullah culture. I will also discuss the recent 

partnership between local community members of St. Helena Island and the federal 

government in an attempt at economic development. Local governments throughout 

the Sea Islands are growing more aware that their future success depends on their 

stance regarding these issues. They have taken a pro-active role in advocating that the 

Gullah culture survives well into the twenty-first century. 

Chapter five will elaborate on the larger issues of identity, contestation and 

cultural politics. Within this chapter interview excerpts provide a more accurate 

portrayal of Gullah identity than can be constructed by an outsider, such as myself. I 

will also present the multivocality of St. Helena Island and the dominant themes 

involved in the contestation over control of the future. As more researchers venture to 

the Sea Islands and economics increasingly becomes attached to identity, people are 

climbing out of the woodwork to claim and express Gullah identity. This is creating 

serious community disruptions, as well as a general distrust of anthropologists with 

camera bags and tape recorders, viewed as interested only in book royalties and career 

advancement. Within this chapter I will revisit my fieldwork experiences and illuminate 

the reasons for the hostility I encountered. The ethnographic data gathered during 

1 998 and 1 999 offers excellent insight into what those involved see as the problems 

facing their communities. Taken as a body of ethnographic data, these words tell a tale 

1 3  



of distrust, misuse of funds and information, and a lack of cooperation among many 

people with common goals. 

Chapter six will profile the efforts of my principal collaborator, Marquetta L. 

Goodwine. She refers to herself as "homegrown" and a resident of St. Helena Island. 

Her efforts over the past eight years are being recognized on a national and 

international scale as she travels the world informing others about the Gullah and the 

current need for preservation. Marquetta is the spokeswoman for the Gullah, as 

evidenced by her testimony to the United Nations in April of 1 999. This chapter will be 

devoted to her poignant words and insightful ideas for the future survival of her culture 

and community. I will also discuss, briefly, the position of Penn Center as the 

community core for Gullah preservation. I will make several suggestions about the 

future path of Sea Island literature and what anthropologists can do to ensure the 

cultural survival of the Gullah community of St. Helena Island and elsewhere. 

Chapter seven will conclude the thesis. Within this chapter I will discuss the 

lessons learned during my three years of research, as well as the insight I have gained 

into one community's struggle against resort, real estate, and commercial development 

and tourism. I will also make several suggestions, from an outsider's standpoint, 

concerning one of the crucial factors for Gullah preservation: the insistence upon 

continued ownership of family land. 

The literature review appears as Appendix 1 . 

14 



Chapter Two 
The South Carolina Sea Islands: Past, Present, and Future 

The Sea Islands are a string of islands which, geographically, extends from 

Georgetown, South Carolina to Cumberland Island, Georgia (Figure 2.1 ). As a cultural 

area, the Sea Islands have served as home to the Gullah and Geechee. The South 

Carolina Sea Islands include the following: Bull Island, Sullivans Island, James Island, 

Johns Island, Kiawah Island, Seabrook Island, Wadmalaw Island, Edisto Island, Ladies 

Island, St. Helena Island, Hunting Island, Fripp Island, Parris Island, Hilton Head Island, 

and Daufuskie Island. The Georgia Sea Islands 1 , also known as the Golden Isles, consist 

of: Tybee Island, Skidaway Island, Ossobaw Island, St. Catherines Island, Sapelo Island, 

St. Simons lsland, Jekyll Island, and Cumberland Island. 

These islands can be classified as low-lying; this area is often referred to as the 

"lowcountry," separated from the mainland by small inlets, tidal creeks, and grass­

covered marshlands. The islands possess a warm marine environment rich with various 

types of tropical and subtropical vegetation (Salter 1 968). Beneficial to these islands is 

their extremely long growing season: from 250 to 300 days a year (Salter 1 968). The 

sandy-loam soil of the Sea Islands is well-suited to many types of agricultural 

production, which made them ideal for the plantation economies of rice, indigo and 

cotton, all of which fed the need for enslaved labor. West Africans seemed the best 

choice for such a labor force, due to their superior knowledge of rice and indigo 

cultivation (Schwalm 1997). Those captive Africans, which we now know as the Gullah, 

forged a common culture out of their shared misery and will to survive and surmount 

obstacles. 

It is indeed the entire chain of Sea Islands which became home to hundreds of 

thousands of enslaved Africans, but the islands of South Carolina are believed to have 

retained the most sizeable population directly descended from African 

1 Geechee is the Georgia equivalent of Gullah (Pollitzer 1999). 

1 5  



South Carolina 

Edisto Island 
St. Helena Sound 
St. Helena Island 

Port Row1/ Sound 

Hilton Head Island 

Tybee Island 
Skidaway Island 

Ossabaw Island 

N 

+ 
St. Simons Island 

Jekyll Island 
Sr. Andrews Sound 

Atlantic Ocean 

Cumberland Island 

15 0 

-

25 0 

IS 30 45 eo 75 Miles 

25 SO 75 100 125 Kilomelcn 

_Figure 2.1 Map of the Sea Islands 
(Pollitzer 1999:5_) 

1 6  



slaves (Creel 1 988). Many scholars maintain that the Sea Islands of South Carolina are 

the most authentic source of African culture history in North America, because their 

culture exhibits various remnants of the experiences of slavery and the traditions of 

West Africa (Guthrie 1 996). For this reason, the remainder of the text will deal directly 

with the South Carolina Sea Islands and the fieldwork, including my own, conducted in 

those communities. 

The South Carolina Sea Islands: Exploration, Conquest, and Exploitation 

It was early in the sixteenth century when the conquest of the Sea Islands first 

began. Pedro de Quexos, of Spain, landed at present day St. .Helena in 1 525 (Johnson 

1 930). He was immediately taken by the beauty of the place, dense with pine. cedar 

and, the ever-present, breathtaking l ive oak draped in moss which has become the icon 

of lowcountry Georgia and South Carolina. Quexos named the island Punta de Santa 

Elena, in honor of his saint, Elena, who he believed had led him to this glorious place 

(Johnson 1 930). Th� broad river which bor.dered the island was also named for Elena, 

but is presently known as Port Royal Sound . The island's name was translated into 

English: St. Helena Island. Port Royal was the term the Spaniards used to refer to the 

vicinity of present-day Parris Island, specifically named by Jean Ribaut, commander of 

the first French expedition to Florida (Johnson 1 930) . 

. The Island remained embroiled in conflicts for the next 1 00 years, primarily 

between the French and Spanish, and later between the Spanish and the English. Early 

. settlers who �ame from England in search of an area to settle landed at St. Helen�, but 

moved on to Charles Town upon hearing of the better soil conditions there (Johnson 

1 930). Charles Town became the major docking point for incoming African captives 

who were sold in the slave market, which now seives· as a tourist attraction in present­

day Charleston, South Carolina. It was not until 1 700 that the first birth of a white child 

was reported (Johnson . 1 930). This event has come to signify the beginning of the 

colonization of the Sea Islands. 

1 7  



Before the first European explorer set foot on the Sea Islands, they seived as 

home to indigenous Americans. These included the Yamassees, Westoes, Savannas, 

Santees, Congarees, Waterees, and Peedees (Pollitzer 1 999). The late 1 600s and early 

1 700s brought about forced migration of these tribal people, along with death due to 

slavery, warfare and disease. By 1 715, the Native American population of the area, 

collectively known as the Yamassee, waged war on the English settlers in protest 

against their ill-treatment (Pollitzer 1 999). Their imminent defeat forced them across 

the Savannah to San Augustin, which opened up their land to subsequent conquest. The 

land was to be colonized under strict stipulations by the General Assembly of the 

Province, making ownership available only to "newcomers" from Great Britain, Ireland, 

or any of His Majesty's plantations in America, although those would be forced to wait 

seven years to convey their tracts (Pollitzer 1 999). 

The province of St. Helena, as well as several other Sea Island communities, 

grew slowly in population until settlers realized certain crops would prosper in these 

geographic areas. Among the earliest white settlers to relocate to St. Helena were 

several families from Barbados, already familiar with the system of plantation slavery2 

and the utilization of African labor (Schwalm 1 997; Johnson 1 930). These first West 

Indian planters brought close to a thousand laborers with them (Creel 1 988). During the 

last decade of the seventeenth century the economy of the lowcountry was 

transformed from a mixed economy- comprising the exportation of naval stores, 

lumber, livestock and deerskins into an economy entirely dependent on rice cultivation 

using forced African labor. As rice became South Carolina's most valuable export the 

need for labor increased, which translated into increased numbers of enslaved workers 

being brought into the lowcountry, first from the West Indies and then directly from 

Gambia by 1 700 (Pollitzer 1 999). 

Indigo was the next economic fire to be fueled by slave labor, beginning in the 

latter half of the eighteenth century. Soon after indigo came the cultivation of sea 

island cotton, rounding out the 1 37 years of legal slavery in the Sea Islands of South 

2sJavery was weU established in Barbados as early as 1 643 (Phillips 1 9 18). 

1 8  



Carolina. Pollitzer estimates that as least 1 22,000 Africans were brought from Senegal 

through Angola between 1 670 and 1 808 (1 999). It is doubtful that a definitive number 

resulting from the subsequent trade3 will ever be known. 

The Royal African Company had an intimate and documented relationship with 

the planters of South Carolina. Through trial and error, the planters had discerned the 

type of slaves who best suited their needs, and began "ordering," with regard to size, 

strength, health and temperament: 

The order of choice among South Carolina planters appears to have been Gold 
Coast, Gambia, Winward Coast, and Angola; Ibo from Calabar or Bonny in the 
Bight of Biafra were considered worst (Pollitzer 1 999:41 ) .  

Pollitzer reviewed a wealth of data concerning the documented origins of South 

Carolina's African population which can be broken d�wn as follows: 39 percent came 

from Angola (which includes the Congo), 20 percent from Senegambia, 1 7  percent from 

the Winward Coast, and 1 3  percent from the Gold Coast. The contribution from Sierra 

Leone was, surprisingly4, only 6 percent (1 999). However, 23,033 (20 percent of the 

total number of slaves legally imported into South Carolina) were omitted from these 

calculations because their origin was not recorded (Figure 2.2). These Africans formed 

communities, or common unities,5 out of their shared enslavement. What developed , and 

3 Referring to the period between 1 808 and 1 848. 

4 Ian Hancock ( 1971)  asserted a strong linguistic relationship between Krio language of Sierra Leone 
and Gullah language. In 1989 Sea Islanders visited Sierra Leone to establish a connection with their 
rultural and ancestral heritage. The natives of Sierra Leone and the Sea Islanders of South Carolina 
understood one another. Due to such connections Sierra Leone has come to be recognized as the 
symbolic origin of Gullah ancestry. In 1 997 a woman from Georgia accompanied another group of Sea 
Islanders to Sierra Leone in order to sing a song believed to have been brought to Georgia from this 
region. The trip was documented and released as a documentary entitled "The Language You Can Cry In: 
The Story of a Mende Song." However, the certainty of a linguistic connection between Sierra Leone and 
the Gullah of South Carolina and Georgia may need to be further substantiated for anthropologists, such 
as Marilyn M. Thomas-Houston, to be convinced. Thomas-Houston ( 1 999) reviewed the video and 
conduded that the connections are simply implied through a mythical story staged as academically 
credible. For the purpose of anthropology, the film offers no credibility to the implied connection. 

5Reference made by Marquetta Goodwine. 

1 9  



COASTAL 
Number Percent REGION OF 

ORIGIN 

"';_:· "' I 

� 

I : ;�-;:_· :-� I �:(!'iii'if::'." .. , 

c::: 1,394 .,..,,._., ��., llht.. 
C: 2,303_� µ, .#.�.0{9ia"'8 . 

I �·· -- �1 -
���.-1.·. 

c-: '!73-_ ___ ,.s, Mozamblqae-Madagascn 

EJ 
114,788 

6,616 

121,464 

Subtotal 

Africa, Reatoa Uaknowa 

Africa Total 
West ladies Total 

Gnnd Total 

N 

+ 

Figure 2.2 West African Areas of Origin 
(Pollitzer 1999:46) 

20 

! I' -.. "" - ---�·:· .. .,.--

r .. -1 
,---- �!/ . /. 
'-'"',; 

! 

( 

NAMIBIA i 
,' 
l 

.�-



is the present focus of study, is a creolized6 culture which was constructed out of a 

remodeling of various cultural traits brought across the sea from many different parts of 

West Africa (Mintz and Price 1 976), with subsequent influences from European and 

indigenous sources. Both the culture and its people are referred to as Gullah. 

It is impossible to pinpoint the exact number of enslaved Africans that were brought to 

South Carolina in terms of their ethnic and cultural profile. It can be asserted, however, 

that the many ethnic groups who contributed to the Gullah culture exhibit certain 

traits which can be positively linked with recognized areas of West Africa. The 

cultivation of rice and the role of rice in Sea Island culture, along with cattle husbandry, 

has been attributed to the western bulge of Africa and the Sudan. These peoples also 

brought influences in musical instruments , basketry, wood working, initiation 

ceremonies, and herbal plants usage for healing purposes (Pollitzer 1 999) .  Those who 

came from the Guinea Coast are credited with contributions in the areas of grammar, 

magic, secret societies, possession and trance, quilting, ceramics, and skilled 

metallurgy (Pollitzer 1 999) .  The Central African captives brought many Bantu words and 

names, as well as values of kinship and their deep religious beliefs concerning death 

and the afterlife (Pollitzer 1 999) . As Pollitzer il lustrates through many years of study, 

"no one sea island can be connected to a specific region in Africa" (1 999: 1 98). What can 

be alleged with relative certainty is that Gullah culture is an amalgamation of many 

different cultural elements from West and Central Africa (Figure 2.3). 

There are two dominant hypothetical accounts on the origin of the word 

"Gullah ." Most often mentioned within the literature is the belief that it is a shortened 

version of "Angola," derived from the heavy importation of slaves from that region 

during South Carolina's early colonial period (Creel 1 988; Joneswjackson 1 987; Pollitzer 

1 999). Another possibility is a derivation of "Gola," sometimes spelled Goulah, which 

refers to a large group of Africans from Liberia who were heavily imported into the Sea 

Islands at the height of rice and indigo cultivation. Golas were preyed on by 

66'Creole" is a term often used within linguistics, however, it is also appropriate when discussing 
situations of rultural contact which give rise to new rultures molded from the remnants of disparate 

points of origin. In this case, Gullah culture can be characterized as a creole adture. 

21 



People 

Bambara, Malinke 
Susu 
Senufo 
Mossi 
Tiv 
Hausa 
Songhai 
Djerma 
Fulani 
lbibio, Efik, Nupe 
Bini, lgbo, Yoruba 
Ewe 
Fon, Popo 
Ga, Akan: Ashanti , Fanti 
Temne, Mende, Kissi 
Kru, Vai, Kpelle, Gola 
Wolof, Baga, Serer 
Fang 
Djema 
Bobangi 
Luba, Songye 
Kongo 
Kimbundu 
Umbundu 

Location 

Mali 
Guinea 
Ivory Coast 
Burkina-Faso 
Nigeria 
Nigeria 
Mali 
Niger 
Guinea-Nigeria 
Nigeria 
Nigeria 
Togo 
Benin (Dahomey) 
Ghana 
Sierra Leone 
Liberia 
Senegal 
Gabon 
Congo-Brazzaville 
Zaire 
Zaire 
Zaire, Angola 
Angola 
Angola 

Figure 2.3 People and Locations of Africa Relevant to South Carolina 
and Georgia Sea Islands (adapted from Poll itzer 1 999:32-33) 

22 



neighboring groups, ·such as the Mende, Vai ,  and Mandingas (Creel 1 988). There is 

existing support for a linguistic relationship between the Gullah and both the historical 

Goulah or Golas. It is therefore problematic, at present, to establish either as fact. 

Sea Island Slavery 

Slavery in the Sea Islands can be seen as unique when compared to other 

regions of the United States for several reasons. First, the slaves of Sea Island 

plantations overwhelmingly outnumbered whites. Figures obtained from the 

Georgetown district in 1 800 illustrate this point: 2,1 50 whites and 1 2,400 black slaves 

(Jones-Jackson 1 987). By 1 840, the white population had added 50 people, totaling 

2,200, while the slave population had increased to 1 8 ,000. In many cases the Sea Island 

slaves had minimal contact with white masters, often only as they were transported 

from the Charleston slave market to their island destination. Upon arriving at the 

plantation, slaves were turned over to a driver, or overseer, who would also have been 

black (Creel 1 988). The fresh- water swampland around the islands was an ideal 

breeding ground for malaria. Europeans had no genetic tolerance for this parasite, as 

did many Africans, and they were often forced to reside on the mainland (Nichols 1 976). 

The absence of Europeans allowed these island inhabitants the opportunity to maintain, 

as much as can be expected under the circumstances, some semblance of community 

autonomy. The relative isolation of the enslaved population was also conducive to 

subtle retention of various African cultural traits, being blended and transformed into 

the creol ized culture known as Gullah. 

Also unique to this region, the Sea Island plantations operated on a task system, 

vastly different from the gang system widely used throughout the South. The task 

system is based on an allotted amount of work for each fieldhand , usually broken down 

into acreage to be worked per day. As pointed out by G.G. Johnson (1 930), from 

research done on St. Helena Island , the "task" came to signify a quarter of an acre, laid 

out 1 05 by 1 05 feet. A typical allotment for a plowman "was usually four tasks, or an 

23 



acre a daf' (83). Slave life on St. Helena was described as follows: 

In the late spring when the cotton had to be hoed at the critical stages and again in 
the autumn when the cotton was in "good blow" they might work from "day clean" 

to "fust dark, " but these were unusual periods, and as a reward for the extra labor, 
their masters dealt out choice rations of molasses and meat and passed around 
presents of tobacco and gay headcloths. The ordinary task of a.full hand kept 
him in the field only four or five hours a day so that the "smart" ones were 
habitually through by two o'clock ( Johnson 1 930:1 24). 

At the peak of harvest, tasks might require working well into the night; however, 

when the tasks were light, there was free time in the afternoon to hunt and fish or tend 

personal garden plots (Pollitzer 1 999). It was also time used to sew baskets and 

fishnets, tend pigs and chickens, or build boats and canoes Qohnson 1 930). In 

conditional situations, Sea Island laborers were encouraged by plantation masters to 

produce items which they could sell for economic benefit. On St. Simons Island, for 

example, the overseer of Butler plantation allowed many of his slaves to go to town to 

do just that Qohnson 1 930) .7 Slaves were also forced to produce items sold by the 

master for a profit. There exists documentation from the 1 730s of slaves making 

sweetgrass baskets that were sold by the master (Rosengarten 1 986). Along with these 

varied activities, the Gullah's foreparents, undoubtedly, spent time with others, passing 

the afternoon with accounts of their predicament, along with folktales and stories 

brought from far across the water. 

In addition to geographical isolation and the task system, the importation of 

slaves into the Sea Islands continued longer than elsewhere. The slave trade officially 

ended in 1808; however, the geographic position of the Sea Islands made it possible to 

continue importing slaves well into the late 1 850s. There is documentation of 400 

Africans from the Congo landing on Jekyll Island, Georgia, in 1 858 aboard the Wanderer 

(Wells 1 967). It is feasible to speculate that this was not an isolated incident and that 

the illegal trade persisted throughout the Sea Islands. Therefore, there was a constant 

flow of Africans into the Sea Islands for nearly two centuries, which molded the Sea 

7These statements should, in no way, be taken to indicate slavery was enjoyable; simply that the task 
system allowed for more personal time than the gang system utilized elsewhere. 

24 



Islands into distinct representations of African- American history and culture. 

"Big Shoot" 

It was November of 1 861 when the guns of "big shoot,.s rang out through Port 

Royal Sound. The Civil War brought change and, subsequently, freedom to the Sea 

Islands. As Union armies invaded the areas inland of the island plantations, the white 

owners fled leaving everything just as it was in the hopes of soon returning. Those who 

had a chance informed the overseers of the situation, assuring them they would return; 

those without time left their slaves behind with no warning of what was to come. Upon 

contact with the slave populations, Union troops discovered they had not been 

informed of the War. The military enlisted the help of the federal government to take 

responsibility for these "contraband of war" (as they were at that time designated) who 

were running out of food and options (Dabbs1 983; Pollitzer 1 999). 

Many members of President Lincoln's cabinet became nervous about the 

situation in the Sea Islands. This was to be one of the largest cotton crops ever, and it 

had to be taken in. To accomplish the harvest, the US government had to formulate a 

plan for the supervision of the enslaved work force. Appropriate to the era, the 

intellectual elite of the North came to their aid. The project was a correspondence 

between philanthropists from New York, Philadelphia, and Boston, who came to be 

known as the "Port Royal Relief Committee." With funding from the U.S. Treasury, the 

committee assembled a group of missionaries, and sailed them off to the rescue of the 

desperate, abandoned islanders (Rose 1 964). 

The volunteers enlisted to help with the federally sponsored Port Royal 

Experiment, as it has come to be known, were put in charge of one plantation each. 

They were presented with several duties: management of the slaves as they harvested 

the crop, distribution of relief supplies, teaching, preaching, and preparing them for 

citizenship (Dabbs 1 983). The objective of the Port Royal Experiment was to 

8sea Islanders use this term to refer to the Civil War. 

25 



uplift - in every possible sense - those released from slavery by the war (Dabbs 1 983). 

Among the first group to arrive on St. Helena was Laura Towne, whose primary goal 

was the education of the freed people in the Port Royal Area (Rose 1 964). Her name 

has become legendary for her devotion to, and fulfillment of, that task. 

Penn School 

In 1 862, the Penn Normal and Agricultural School was established by Laura 

Towne and Ellen Murray at the Oaks plantation on St. Helena Island. These two devoted 

women, along with Charlotte Forten, served a pivotal role in Sea Island history through 

their teaching at Penn, which was the first school established for the education of freed 

slaves. The school was named after William Penn, known as "the great lover of liberty." 

These women paid their own expenses, with help from outside donations. They were 

supported by two Quaker societies of Philadelphia: the Commission which had sent 

them and the Benezet9 (Dabbs 1 983). 

Charlotte Forten was the first black teacher at Penn Normal and Agricultural 

School. Charlotte came from a long line of activists and was educated at home, as she 

wasn't allowed to attend Philadelphia's white schools. She later moved to Salem and 

began teaching school. She was encouraged to apply for a teaching position with the 

Port Royal Experiment and was in Port Royal by 1 862. Even though Forten was African 

American, she and the Gullah did not get along right away, due to cultural differences. 

She was shocked by their shouting during worship; but over time she got to know and 

understand the philosophies of spirituality from an African perspective 

(Goodwine 1 997). She later became very near and dear to the hearts of this community 

(as did Murray and Towne) as they taught reading, writing, and arithmetic, as well as 

fought for the right of land ownership for Sea Islanders. 

9 Philadelphia Society named after the late Anthony Benezet, who spent his life teaching enslaved African 
children to read and write. Benezet convinced the Philadelphia Yearly Meeting (Quakers) to take an 
official position against the practice of buying and selling slaves. He is known for his antislavery 
writings and abolitionist activity in Phi ladelphia, as well as his influence on the formation of the 
Pennsylvania Abolition Society. 

26 



The Port Royal Experiment was centered around the Penn School. The number 

one objective, contrary to the idea that the north wanted to prepare the freed slaves for 

factory work, was to teach the people how to be self-supporting and industrious 

enough to stay in their rural communities (Rosengarten 1 986). The students were 

taught a vast array of things at Penn, from basket-weaving to net-making to advanced 

mathematics. I spoke with several elderly members of the St. Helena community who 

had been students at Penn before it closed in 1 948. Most comments were, overall, quite 

positive. The objectives of Penn School are retrospectively viewed as constructive and 

beneficial. The Penn Center now serves as a cultural resource center and meeting place 

for grassroots activity as well as houses the Penn Normal School archives and the York 

W. Bailey Museum, named in honor of St. Helena's first black doctor: Dr. York Bailey 

(Dabbs 1 983). 

From Enslavement to Ownership 

In 1 862, President Lincoln gave the order that abandoned lands in and around 

St. Helena be set aside for the freed population (30 miles inland from the sea). On 

January 1 ,  1 863, President Lincoln's official Emancipation Proclamation was read aloud 

to the former slaves of St. Helena island.10 One quote sums up the feelings of the 

former slaves on that day. Prince Pilot, who was present at the ceremony, later shared 

this with his grandson, regarding the singing of My Country Tis of Thee: 

At first only one or two joined in, and then it seemed like all the colored people of a 
sudden know that that flag belonged to we people and that for the first time we had 
a country of our own - and nothing could keep them.from singing it out (Dabbs 1 983). 

Soon after Emancipation came the actual land sales to the freedmen. Much of 

the land was sold to missionaries or speculators, but some tracts were sold to the 

slaves who had worked that particular plantation. The Jand was partitioned off into 

1°This day, known as Emancipation Day, continues to be celebrated on St. Helena. 

27 



plots ranging from ten to twenty acres and sold for $1 .25 an acre. Owning land was one 

of the greatest status symbols ever gained for the freedmen, and many who purchased 

it demanded that it be on the same land as their home plantation. Most often they even 

chose to keep the original name (Rose 1 964). Other advantageous orders followed the 

land sales. Special Field Order 1 5  was issued by Union Army General William Tecumseh 

Sherman on january 1 5, 1 865: 

At Beaufort, Hilton Head, Savannah, Fernandina, St. Augustine, and Jacksonville, the 
blacks may remain in their chosen or accustomed vocations, but on the islands and 

in the settlements hereafter to be established, no white person whatever, unless 
military officers and soldiers, detailed for duty, will be permitted to reside; 
and the sole and exclusive management of affairs will be left to the freed people 

themselves, subject only to the United States military authority and the acts of 
Congress. (adapted from Goodwine 1 998b:1 65). 

It was at that time official: the Sea Islanders were on their own. 

Self- Sufficiency in Isolation 

From Emancipation until quite recently the Sea Island communities remained 

largely self-sufficient, utilizing their agricultural and fishing skills to meet their needs. 

Many islands remained isolated, with no connector bridges, until the middle of the 

twentieth century. Even electricity arrived late, coming to the more remote islands only 

as recently as the 1 960s (Jones- Jackson 1 98 7). This century of isolation, beginning with 

emancipation, brought about many changes in land use patterns. Sea Island freedmen 

who became landowners proceeded to cultivate the crop already in production, such as 

rice and cotton, until the boll weevil infestation of the 1 920s. This event terminated 

cotton production for most farmers, aside from the few who converted to the 

short- staple variety (Salter 1968). Those who could no longer earn a living from cotton 

entered into truckfarming, which remains a viable economic option for the present day 

farmers of several Sea Island communities, including Johns, Wadmalaw, Edisto, St. 

Helena, and Ladies Island (Salter 1 991 ). The leading value crops for truck farming 

28 



continue to be tomato and cucumbers. This was evidenced by the constant convoy of 

trucks roaring past my rental cottage during my 1 999 fieldwork. The process began 

before sunrise and lasted through to late evening. St. Helena is dominated by tomato 

truck farming, and utilizes migrant farm labor from Mexico during haivest season. 

Land use has been altered by other forces, aside from agriculture, in more 

negative ways. Farmland is now the prime target of developers (Carawan 1 989). 

Statistics obtained from census data show an overwhelming amount of land being taken 

out of food production between 1 987 and 1 992. Farming acreage in Beaufort County1 1  

dropped more than 1 7% between 1 987 and 1 992. Charleston County1 2  also shows a 

severe reduction in farmlands: nearly 23% during that same five year period. That 

amounts to almost 20,000 acres being taken out of farming production within a five 

year period. The question becomes, what is it being used for now? 

Resort Development in the South Carolina Sea Islands 

The present situation of Sea Island communities consists of dramatic changes 

(Figure 2.4). One need look no further than Hilton Head Island, which only 50 years ago 

was home to an African-American farming community. Connector bridges began being 

built to the islands during the 1 950s and "everything change up now" ( Ed Brown, resident 

of Wadmalaw Island, quoted in Jones- Jackson 1 987). Land is constantly taken out of 

production and converted to resort development for the industry of tourism. Present 

day H ilton Head is populated by rich whites, residing in communities named after 

successful plantations of the slavery era. This practice of using the term plantation was 

troublesome to me. I decided to ask one of my informants, Carolee Brown, how she 

views the use of the word. Her opinion holds particular relevance. Carolee's occupation 

1 1 Indudes St. Helena Island, Hilton Head Island, Port Royal, Parris Island, and Shell Point. 

1 21ndudes Wadmalaw Island, Mt. Pleasant, Johns Island, Kiawah Island, Seabrook Island , Edisto Island, 
and Charleston. 

29 



Hunting Island ( South Carolina State Park ) 

fames Island 
Private island 

Marris lslmuJ 

Curr , being 
ugh fi>r devdopment 

Wadmalaw Island 

St. Helena Island The only Island with a Viable Gullah C.Ommunity 

Fripp Island Private Gated Island / Residential and Vacation Accomodations 

·s Island Military Training Center 

Hilton lkad Island ( Mass tourism, Residential gated communities, Numerous retirement and resort communities) 

Daufeskie Island Resort Island (less than 30 Gullah residents remaining) 

Figure 2.4 Altered Sea Island Map Illustrating Specific Changes 

30 



is cleaning houses in such communities. 

M: Now when you see the signs that say "plantation" does that offend you? 

CB: No, don't bother me one way or the other. I work over there, hey I know they got my 
money and if they hire me they gotta pay me my price. I treat them accordingly; I don't go in 
they house raggedy. 

M: You don't think it's in poor taste they still refer to those places as "plantations"? 

CB: Well, we have discussed that but this is what they want. There is nothing we can do about 
it. They think they want plantations. They figure they are protected, which they're not because 
the thieves can always get in. This lady told me the neighbor's son was robbing the houses, and 
I said Look! That ain't nothing new. Anytime you all get robbed over here it's an inside job. It's 
not we who come to work and steal it ... and they know it. And a lot of them get Jipped into 
these plantation fees, because you wouldn't believe what high fees they pay for security at that 
gate. 

M: I can believe it. 

CB: They wanna live there, but there are so many of them now that they wanna get away from 
those plantations. But where are they going? They don't know where to go. 

M: So, in a way they are slaves13 to that whole thing too? 

CB: Yes. You gonna pay and don't fool yourself. .. Only the rich can afford it. The young white 
people can't afford it. 

By 1 980 whites outnumbered blacks on Hilton Head five to one (Pollitzer 1 999). 

Kiawah Island was purchased in 1 97 4 to become a resort; it is now presented 

as "the premiere Resort on the East Coast" offering championship golf, world-renowned 

tennis, award-winning nature program, and undisturbed natural environment (adapted 

from Travel brochure produced by Kiawah Island Visitor's Center). It is described in 

tourism literature as a private residential and resort community, and a "popular choice 

for both vacationing and retirement" (Charleston Trident Convention and Visitors 

Bureau). The same publication represents Seabrook Island in a similar light: 

13 Slavery used here to refer to the bound condition of homeowners in such communities. I am in no 
way comparing this situation to the deplorable institution of slavery and, in retrospect, realize the 
need for word substitution. However, interviews are transcribed exactly as they were conducted. 

31 



"Seabrook Island is an exclusive, private, residential sea island located just 22 miles 

south of Historic Charleston." 

These resort communities of Kiawah and Seabrook can only be reached by 

driving across Johns Island. Charles Joyner gives an eloquent description of the changes 

on Johns Island brought about by the resort development of these two Sea Islands 

between 1 964 and 1 989: 

When /first came to this part ofjohns Island in 1964, it was a quiet rural black 

community. Now expensive cars cruise past on their way to Kiawah and Seabrook 

Islands. These resort islands can only be reached by driving across Johns Island 

and meeting the approval of a guard at a security gate. Beyond the guarded gates 

are plush hotels and upscale shopping facilities, beach.front houses and condominiums. 

Those who are waved through the checkpoint are mainly affluent visitors from afar 
(Charles Joyner in Carawan 1 989). 

These are referred to as gated communities, and they are a permanent fixture of the 

South Carolina Sea Islands. Gating presents many problems for the residents and their 

families who once resided here. Many Sea Island residents cannot visit the graves of 

deceased family members because they are located inside gated communities which do 

not grant access without pre-approval from the proper authorities of the resort or 

community establishment. "No Trespassing" signs keep natives from traveling the roads 

they have known as home all their lives (Pollitzer 1 999). 

Daufuski Island has undergone a complete transformation. Once home to a 

small Gullah population, Daufuski is now an outgrowth of the resort industry of Hilton 

Head. The ferry which takes visitors to and from the island is operated by the Sea Pines 

Plantation as a service to their guests, who often purchase a $ 1 00 day pass to the golf 

courses on the island. There is also a ferry operated by Adventure Cruise for about the 

same price. My attempts to reach Daufuski Island were foiled by a $ 1 9  boat ticket- my 

first year of fieldwork was spent eating peanut butter sandwiches because all my money 

went to buying a small basket from each weaver I interviewed. I had not planned on 

that expense, so the ferry to Daufuskie might just as well have been $ 1 000. The second 

year I had plans to visit Daufuskie with Marquetta Goodwine, but it did not work out for 

one reason or another. I believe the trip would have been pointless without a native Sea 

32 



Islander; the remaining Gullah �esidents of Daufuskie would not have viewed me as a 

welcomed guest without the company of someone whom they trust. 

During my interview with Ron and Natalie Daise we came across the subject of 

Daufuskie Island. Ron and Natalie are famous for their roles as "Uncle Ron" and "Aunt 

Natalie" on the hit children's show Gullah Gullah Island, but in reality they are deeply 

invested in the current efforts toward Gullah preservation. I had the pleasure of 

meeting with them in their home, and we discussed many things. Their reaction to me 

making th·e trip to Daufuskie was an indicator of how native Sea lslanders14 view the 

fate of that Island 

M: Now what about Daufuskie? I have been trying to get out there but the only way . . .  

ND: Oh why? Don't go. 

M: What have they done to that place? 

ND: They erased it and it's horrible. 

RD: It's a return to the Old South. 

1 was encouraged by many informants not to waste a trip, because only a handful of 

native families remain and it was highly unlikely that they would speak with a white 

researcher. 

Edisto Island tells a similar story. In 1 980 U.S. Census data blacks were 84% of 

the Edisto population. By 1 990 that number had been reduced to 50%. 15 It now has the 

reputation of a family vacation spot, completely void of any historical representation of 

the Gullah who labored in bondage upon this island. In marketing to tourists and 

potential buyers Kapp / Lyons Realty, Inc. describe the history of Edisto Island as 

follows: 

The Spanish arrived in the 1 SOO's, followed by English settlers in the 1600's. 

14 Ron is a Sea Island native who worked for many years as a local reporter and Natalie, his wife, is an 
invested member of the Gullah community. 

15U.S. Bureau of the Census, Census for 1990. 

33 



The English remained, first living off the sea, then cultivated money crops of rice 
and indigo. By 1 790 planters turned to a long staple cotton, known as 

Sea Island cotton- one of the finest cottons ever produced. It was this which 
brought the great wealth to Edisto Islanders. Many of the elegant houses 
and plantations remaining today are reminders of that affluent age 
(adapted from Internet site www.charleston.net/com/edisto/history.html). 

St. Helena Island is, at present, the location of a battle against real estate and 

tourist development. Through the programs designed by the Penn Center and a 

realization of Beaufort County officials that St. Helena could be next, many steps are 

being taken to arrest the devastation played out on other Sea Islands. This island 

presents a unique case in native islander involvement for the conservation of land and 

cultural heritage, due to the strength of various grassroots leaders with differing 

agendas aimed at a common goal- Gullah cultural preservation. The Gullah of St. 

Helena refuse to become the shadow of a community, as have the Gullah with ties to 

the resort islands mentioned thus far. The players in this battle are numerous and 

range from grassroots activists to politicians. A significant portion of this thesis will be 

focused on St. Helena and the sword being taken up against development, as well as 

the conflicts created by such an heroic effort. 

Defining Culture 

Culture, as an anthropological term, has traditionally been defined as simply 

"shared values or webs of meaning" (Sider 1 994: 1 1 5 ). Until quite recently, the use of 

the word culture would have caused very little ambiguity, however, the definition of 

culture is constantly changing as more knowledge is gained about the role of culture in 

shaping our existence as individuals and as groups. Culture can be a process, an 

expression, a world view, or even an arena for contestation over the meanings of the 

term. It is, therefore, important that anthropologists (re)examine the discourse of 

culture and begin to broaden our conceptual framework of the term. Culture is not only 

about meaning and values; it is the locus of struggle over what will and will not be 

34 



used to define a group (Sider 1 994), as well as " the ways in which members of a group 

determine and symbolize the meaningfulness of their lives" (Chambers 1 997:3). The 

realization that culture can be used in such broad terms allows anthropologists to 

address the struggles that occur; both between groups and the dominant power 

structure outside the group, as well as the struggles within the group itself. In the 

introductory issue of Identities Journal (1 994) Gerald Sider addressed the issue of 

'Identity as History' and suggested that we, as anthropologists, reformulate the concept 

of culture in order to better recognize the dynamics of identity struggles. The concept 

of culture, as interpreted by Sider, encompasses much more than 'shared values or 

webs of meaning': 

The concept of culture as shared meanings and/ or values, rather than being a 
simple descriptive statement about social landscape, in fact names an arena of the 
most profound conflicts, where people struggle to create different and ongoing 
conceptual and material histories within and against the same general history, 
a general history, a general history that people must continually struggle to 

create or to transform (Sider 1 994:1 1 6). 

Therefore I will use the term culture to refer to the shared meanings and values which 

are represented by the Gullah, within the context of the social landscape of Gullah 

communities as a locus of struggles over the creation of history and identity. Such a 

utilization of the term will allow me to address the struggles which exist "both against 

the domination 16 and amongst the dominated" (Sider 1 994: 1 1 6). 

Issues of Anthropological Relevance: 
Identity, Commoditization, Contestation, and Cultural Politics 

Currently there are many anthropological issues of extreme relevance to the 

present study of the Sea Island Gullah. The relationship between history and identity is 

one such issue. The people without history are those who h�e been prevented from 

16 Domination, as it is used here, can be viewed as the destruction of Sea Island communities for the 
sake of the tourism industry, as well as to refer to those within and outside the Gullah community who 
are marketing the images of Gullah in a way that is inconsistent with rultural preservation. 

35 



defining themselves for others (Friedman 1 992) . Much of what we now recognize as 

factual material was gathered by European observers, missionaries, and outsiders for 

academic purposes. It is important, therefore, to realize the rights of natives to define 

their own identity, as well as rewrite their history from the standpoint of their unique 

indigenous experience. Harald E. L. Prins (1 996) reveals one group's struggle for such 

an opportunity. Prins is an ethnohistorian and action anthropologist who assisted the 

Mi'kmaq Indians of the Northern Atlantic seaboard in the rewriting of their cultural 

history. Through this case study, The Mi'kmaq: Resistance, Accommodation, and Cultural 

Survival (1 996), this native group gained powerful insight into their past as a source of 

cultural identity. 

What we are beginning to realize is that identity construction is not static, but 

is constantly being redefined and recreated in response to social, economic and 

political concerns. Karen Fog Olwig (1 999) realizes the need for anthropology to 

address the use of the past in the creation and recreation of identity in the present. In 

terms of the Gullah, this application reveals the transformation from a culture of shame 

to one of proud Gullah heritage for the sake of future progress. There are economic, 

political, and social factors tied up in Gullah identity. It is necessary to determine how 

the past is being used to define what it means to be Gullah in the twenty-first century. 

We cannot discuss identity in terms of culture alone. In the modern world system 

identity is increasingly being expressed in ethnic terms (Romanucci-Ross and De Vos 

1 995). An ethnic group is one in which the members share the following: religious 

beliefs and practices, language, historical continuity, and common ancestry (DeVos 

1 995: 1 8). Identification with a particular ethnicity can be viewed as a creation or 

fabrication of identity, depending on the sociological factors involved. In many 

instances such expressions are either politically, socially, or economically motivated. 

They can, however, also be the product of a history of being defined by others. This 

situation is bringing about a "revolution in the recording of social and cultural history" 

(DeVos 1 995:1 6). The residents of the Sea Islands exhibit this movement toward self 

identification as they refuse to be termed African Americans. They express their ethnic 

36 



identity as Gullah or Geechee. 

It has been suggested that a reinvention of ethnic identity can be initiated by 

tourism (Van den Berghe and Keyes1 984). Appropriate forms of tourism, such as ethnic 

tourism, could potentially create an awareness of the plight of numerous third world 

tribal cultures being repressed by their respective governmental systems. Ethnic 

tourism is the avenue by which the ethnic exoticism of a particular locale is marketed 

to outsiders as an economic option. In such cases, the commoditization of a particular 

culture can be detrimental to indigenous 17 people not accustomed to dealing with 

outsiders. By cultural commoditization I am referring to the use of particular images 

and ideas which define a particular group for the explicit function of economic benefit. 

The commoditization can take many forms. It can be applied to the Gullah in areas of 

material objects, such as sweetgrass baskets, folk art, such as using the color blue in art 

to imply an affiliation with the Gullah, religious ideology, such as Gullah spirituals being 

performed for public demonstration, and visual imagery, illustrated throughout this 

thesis as presented in South Carolina tourism literature. 

The effects of tourism are of growing concern to social scientists. Valene L. 

Smith is known for her contribution Hosts and Guests: the Anthropology a/Tourism, 

published first in 1 977 and revised in 1 989, as well as subsequent publications (see 

Smith 1 992). This collection of case studies from around the world has been an 

important influence on this thesis. Based on these, I was able to conceptualize the 

various forms of tourism and the effects each has on host communities. For example, it 

became apparent that when local communities are encouraged to be involved in 

tourism development there exists a better chance for mutual success between planners 

and host communities. Many anthropologists have made immeasurable contributions to 

the anthropological study of tourism. Davyddj.  Greenwood's study of cultural 

commoditization .. Culture By The Pound" (1 977) brought about the synthetic focus of 

1 71 use the term indigenous to refer to Sea Islanders who are considered original natives and 
still reside within small Sea Island populations such as St. Helena Island and Mt. Pleasant. 

37 



this thesis 18 •  There are various exemplary studies within this collection (see also Nunez 

1 989; Swain 1 989) that have added tremendous depth to the issue of tourism and its 

effects in the South Carolina Sea Islands. 

At present the various cultures of the world are involved in identity formation, 

ethnic identification and contestation over whose words will ultimately serve to 

redefine them. Issues such as these are studies within anthropology as "cultural 

politics ." As articulated by GlennJordan and Chris Weedon in Cultural Politics: Class, 

Gender, Race and the Postmodern World ( 1 995) "cultural politics fundamentally determine 

the meanings of social practices and, moreover, which groups and individuals have the 

power to define these meanings" (1 995:5). Cultural politics ultimately deal with the 

issue of power- power to define a particular culture or identity, the power to legitimate 

or authenticate certain members and not others, and the ultimate power of rewriting 

history. This power has been, historically, held by formal institutions (such as 

governments and universities). David Whisnant addressed this in All That is Native and 

Fine: The Politics of Culture in ari American Region ( 1 983). His valuable treatment of the 

politics of culture gave me insight into the role of the Penn Center as the arbiter of 

Gullah culture and allowed me to peel away the multiple levels of internal contestation 

over authority. 

St. Helena Island is the epitome of Gullah culture. It has been recognized by the 

City Planners, as well as countless academic researchers, as an emblematic Gullah site. 

The concept of place is receiving considerable attention within anthropology (Rodman 

1 992). It has been my intention to acquaint the reader with this place through the 

words of those who reside there. Each member of a community has their own reality 

concerning a_ particular place, often based on personal experience (Rodman 1 992). 

People have differing experiences which build a multivocal landscape within any place. 

It is important that the contestations and the tensions between different actors and 

1 &rhe use of the term commoditization within this thesis will be in reference to the appropriation of 
Gullah imagery, ideas, knowledge, language, and material culture in any way that is not conducive to 
rultural preservation. It also refers to the creation of an 'exoticism' concerning Gullah adture which is 
increasingly being utilized to boost tourism revenue throughout South Carolina. 

38 



their construction of a particular place be explored by anthropologists (Rodman 1 992). 

As St. Helena Island and Mt. Pleasant become politically, historically, and culturally 

defined, they offer an advantageous climate for future research concerning the 

exploration of the complex realities attached to place. 

39 



Chapter Three 
Mt. Pleasant Basket Weavers: Keepers of the Gullah Culture 

Every community has on independent voice. It is the independent voice of a people that is expressed in their culture. 

Once this voice is heard. then and only then will they gain respect from other cultural groups. The independent 

voice does not require us to dominate anyone else, but it does require us to dominate (or control) ourselves (Goodwine 1998a:8 ). 

Mt. Pleasant is a community located just across the Cooper River from 

Charleston, South Carolina. In 1 980 Doris Derby conducted her Ph.D. fieldwork in this 

community in order to study the role of basket weaving in the domestic economy of 

black women. The information she obtained concerning the tourism industry and its 

impacts in the Mt. Pleasant area is relevant to this thesis. It is important to note that 

during the late 1970s when Derby conducted her fieldwork the African Americans from 

this area were offended when referred to as "Gullah" (Derby 1 980). The term was 

associated with a negative stereotype of blacks as "illiterate, lazy, country in manners 

and in personal habits, and cultural traits associated with slave status" (Derby 1 980: 1 1  ). 

However, in nearly al l respects Mt. Pleasant people are identical in cultural and genetic 

heritage to the residents of Sea Island communities throughout South Carolina. 

Therefore, they are Gullah by the standards of my research. The earliest inhabitants of 

Mt. Pleasant were enslaved Africans whose families were able to purchase land after 

Emancipation. Descendants of those emancipated people made up the majority of 

families on Mt. Pleasant in 1 980, at the time of Derby's fieldwork. The last twenty years 

have brought about many changes. 

Mount Pleasant basket weavers first made Gullah heritage an integral part of 

statewide tourism. The basket stands along Highway 1 7  have been attracting visitors for 

many decades, but the incursion of tourism, resorts, and gated communities has begun 

to threaten their existence. A difference of one year, between 1 998 and 1 999, 

transformed the basket industry. Where basket stands had stood in 1 998 I found a 

shopping mall in 1 999, filled with popular clothing stores. The basket stands were still 

present; however, the small grassy space once used as a parking lot for tourists was 

now blocked by a sidewalk and curb (Figure 3.1 ). In the past, each basket stand was 

40 



Figure 3.1 Effects of Development on Mt. Pleasant 
Roadside Basket Stands 

41 



easily accessible by just pulling off the road in front of the stand you desired to browse 

through. Today all that has changed. 1 spoke with one weaver whose family had been 

selling baskets at the same spot for fifty years. Now there is a video store on that spot 

and she is continuously moving around trying to find a permanent location. What 

began as a way to increase tourism has backfired in Mt. Pleasant because many of the 

tourists come to visit and never leave. They become attached to the beauty of the area 

and take up residence, as has been the case throughout the Sea Islands. 

As more and more newcomers settle in these areas, the population composition 

is changing. Sullivan's Island was once home to many black residents; however, as the 

elderly pass on and the property truces become delinquent, much of the land is being 

bought by white developers (Derby 1 980). The same situation applies to the Isle of 

Palms, also within Charleston County. What was once a seasonal vacation area for 

whites has now become home. The 1 980 statistics revealed that very few black 

residents remained. Those Derby interviewed in 1 980 were asking themselves the 

question: Will our community be next? 

The Charleston Downtown Market is famous for its nostalgic image of Gullah 

women weaving sweet grass baskets alongside a variety of other vendors. Selling 

baskets in the market is a family tradition. The spots in the market are highly 

competitive and families do not relinquish voluntarily. Many who sell in the market also 

have a spot on Highway 1 7, and can be found at one when not at the other. The market 

spots are often rotated between family members so that each has a chance to sell at 

market prices, which are slightly higher than at the roadside stands. A Charlestonian 

shopkeeper comments on why he markets sweet grass baskets in his store: 

Baskets are the most Charlestonian thing in the store: handmade from materials grown 
in and around Charleston, and gathered by Charlestonians. Moreover, everything to do 
with the baskets is a historic Low-Country tradition. The baskets emphasize Charleston's 
uniqueness and that's what people dig (Derby 1980: 166). 

This type of rave review has taken some weavers by surprise. I spoke with many women 

who had instructed their children not to tell others about her occupation. They were 

once embarrassed to sell baskets for a living, and now they are called on by members 

42 



of local government to participate in school programs, museum exhibits and local 

festivals. Travel brochures highlight the cultural attributes of Sea Island residents and 

invite visitors to come and witness their colorful heritage. The use of sweetgrass 

baskets in the creation of such an identity has definitely brought about changes. 

Chapter four will focus on such changes, as well as the (re)creation and 

misrepresentation of Gullah identity. 

Nothing to Weave: The Effects of Development on Sweetgrass Basket Materials 

The rapid rate of both retail and residential development in Mt. Pleasant has 

brought about a shortage of materials for weaving sweetgrass baskets. The women I 

interviewed have all resorted to buying their materials from Florida. Sweetgrass can no 

longer be found in. abundance growing wild in the area. The materials needed for the 

baskets are being bulldozed for malls and subdivisions, and buried under parking lots 

for resort hotels. In the 1 980s a consortium of regional interests formed a committee 

to seek a solution to the sweetgrass shortage. With the assistance of agricultural 

experts, they succeeded in establishing a sweetgrass reserve on Bull's Island where 

weavers can go to harvest the sweetgrass. In a paper discussing grassroots issues in 

cultural tourism(l 996) Robert Cogswell asserts that the Mt. Pleasant basket weavers 

are now reaping the benefits of local involvement; however, my fieldwork suggests 

otherwise. Not a single weaver I interviewed utilized the reserve. From an insider's 

perspective, the project was viewed as purely academic. The social scientists involved 

selected only a few weavers to contribute their ideas, with the major conclusions being 

credited to academics. The basket weavers I spoke with do not feel their needs were 

met, nor that the project was a community effort. 

The sweetgrass reserve does exist but is not practical. The only way to get to 

Bull's Island is by boat, and the weavers either do not have boats or expressed a fear of 

traveling there by boat. From the standpoint of my research I disagree with the 

assertion that Mt. Pleasant, or Charleston for that matter, has made an effort to involve 

43 



the local communities most affected by their decisions. The weavers continue to face 

material shortage, and the situation worsens with each new construction project. The 

latest trend in Mt. Pleasant is the use of sweetgrass in landscaping. This is an additional 

slap in the face to the women who