An Archaeological and Historical Investigation of a 19th Century Leprosarium at Hassel Island, St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands








A Thesis Presented for the 
Master of Arts
Degree
The University of Tennessee, Knoxville












Amanda Marie Barton
December 2012







Acknowledgements

	There are many people who have helped during this five-year journey.  First off, thank you to Dr. Judy Sichler, who suggested my name when she found out about this project.  Thank you to Ken Wild, the Virgin Islands National Park Service, and the Friends of the Virgin Islands National Park, for allowing (and funding) me to work in one of the most beautiful places on Earth.  Thank you to Holly Norton, Susanna Pershern, Lauran Riser, Vibe Martens, and Andreas Latif for all your help with this project, and companionship while in the Virgin Islands.  Thank you to Rune Winfield, Vibe Martens, and Andreas Latif for spending time researching and translating documents in Denmark.  The historical background on this site would not have been possible without you. 
	Thank you to my committee members, Drs. Barbara Heath, Elizabeth Kellar-DeCorse, and David Anderson, for all your help and patience during this journey.  Thank you to Dr. Gerald Schroedl for advice and suggested reading material.  Thank you to Dr. Kandi Hollenbach for giving me suggestions on where to go with my thesis research whenever I got stuck in a rut.  Thank you to Dan Marcel for making my site map look professional and for keeping me laughing throughout this project.  A big thank you to Chad Caswell and Howard Cyr for showing me how to make a distribution map in ArcGIS.  
	Finally, thank you to Jessica Vavrasek, for constantly telling me to work on my thesis, and to my husband, Colby Brooks, thank you for your patience, and I know you are very happy that I am done with this project.
	



Abstract

	Located on Hassel Island, a small island off the coast of Charlotte Amalie, in St. Thomas, USVI, a small leprosarium, or quarantine hospital for those affected with leprosy, was in operation from 1833 to 1861 as a way to isolate those with leprosy from the general population.  Surface and sub-surface excavations took place over the spring and summer of 2008 in preparation for proposed National Park Service hiking trail that would be laid parallel to the site remains.  
	Firstly, this thesis provides a historical background on leprosy, as well as a background on how leprosy and disease has been studied by anthropologists and archaeologists.  Secondly, a historical background is provided on Hassel Island and its leprosarium along with a description of the archaeological investigation performed there.  Finally, an analysis of the recovered artifacts and spatial analysis is used to understand what life would have been like at the leprosarium.  Results of this analysis, based on the historical and archaeological record, suggests that conditions at the leprosarium were less than ideal.  A high occurrence of container glass fragments attributed to liquor bottles suggests that drinking was a form of medicating, especially with the lack of patent medicine bottles recovered.  The ceramics recovered were mostly utilitarian stoneware and coarse earthenwares, and inexpensive refined earthenwares.  The lack of personal items implies that patients were unable financially or were not allowed to express much in the way of culture or individuality.          







Table of Contents
Chapter                                                                                                                                       Page

Chapter 1 Introduction	1
Chapter 2 Leprosy and Treatment in Western Europe and the Tropics	4
Chapter 3 The Anthropology and Archaeology of Disease and Confinement	15
Chapter 4 St. Thomas and Hassel Island Description and Historical Background	24
A Brief Introduction to St. Thomas	24
Historical Archaeology in the Virgin Islands	27
Hassel Island’s Economic Importance	29
National Park Service Acquisition and National Register Status	31
Disease and Quarantine on Hassel Island	32
Chapter 5 Fieldwork on Hassel Island	44
Prior Fieldwork at Leprosy Hospital	44
Fieldwork: May-June 2008	45
Site Cleanup and Walkover	45
Systematic Grid Collection	55
Test Units	62
General Surface Collection	66
Site Formation	66
Chapter 6 Artifact Analysis	69
Lab and Analysis Methods	69
Results of Artifact Analysis	69
Artifacts that Date to and Possibly Date to the Leprosy Hospital	71
Ceramics Types	71
Porcelain	73
Stoneware	73
Refined Earthenware	76
Coarse Earthenware	100
Container Glass	103
Black or Dark Olive Glass	104
Dip Mold	104
Applied Finish	107
Three-piece/Ricketts Mold	108
Cracked Off Finish	108
Dr. J.G.B. Siegert Aromatic Bitters	111
“P.Herrink” or P.F. Heering Cherry Liqueur	113
Pipes	117
Personal Items	124
Metals	131
Conclusions	134
Chapter 7 Artifact Distributions and Analysis	137
Methods Background	137
Results	138
Chapter 8 Summary, Conclusions, and Future Research	160
Summary	160
Conclusions	160
Future Research	164
List of References	167
Appendix I	178
Appendix II	179
Vita	180























List of Tables

Table 2-1.  Condensed table of some of the key points about leprosy listed by island physicians in the Report on Leprosy (1867).	9
Table 4-1.  English Translation of Figure 4-4.	38
Table 6-1.  Count and percentages of all artifacts collected during the 2008 excavation and surface collection.	70
Table 6-2.  Counts and percentages of all artifacts included in this study.	72
Table 6-3.  Pearlware decorative techniques.	78
Table 6-4.  Whiteware decorative techniques.	80
Table 6-5.  Breakdown of transfer-print colors on sherds recovered from the leprosarium. Dates come from Samford (1997).  The sherds recovered from the leprosarium are believed to be whiteware, therefore they would all date after 1820.	85
Table 6-6.  Counts and percentages for manufacturing techniques on the container glass dating to the leprosarium.	103
Table 6-7.  Counts and percentages for glass color.	105
Table 6-8.  A list of Dutch makers who used the crown and '54' symbol.  It is uncertain why some of the dates are left blank. (Meulen 2003).	122
Table 6-9.  All personal items recovered during excavation.	125
Table 6-10.  Personal items that could be dated to the leprosarium.	125
Table 6-11.  List of sites, taken from Good (1982:166), in which this type of compound, blue bead was found.	127
























List of Figures

Figure 4-1.  Map of the U.S. Virgin Islands (Courtesy of worldatlas.com)	25
Figure 4-2.  Map showing the harbor at Charlotte Amalie and Hassel Peninsula in the early 1800s.  It is unknown what the building near the location of the future leprosarium is (black arrow).  (Lundbye 1800).	28
Figure 4-3.  Cropped 1873 Revised (original map 1851) Admiralty Chart of Hassel Peninsula.  The ‘X’ marks the spot of the leprosarium (Lawrance 1851).	35
Figure 4-4.  List of leprosy patients undergoing treatment for leprosy on St. Thomas in 1855 (Sager vedr. folketælling [Census] 1841 – 1855).	37
Figure 4-5.  1904 Landholding Map.  The ‘L’ on the west coast of Hassel Island represents that the land was owned by “Hassell’s Arvinger[heirs]” (Aamodt 1904). Also notice that the red is overlaid on Lawrance’s 1951 Admiralty map.	43
Figure 5-1.  Leprosy hospital site facing southeast. The highlighted area in the foreground shows the remnants of the isthmus.  Behind that, slightly upslope, the site’s cistern is visible (red arrow).  Photo taken by the author in 2008.	47
Figure 5-2.  Topographic map of Hassel Island, showing elevations of the island (USGS 1982).  The red circle marks the approximate location of the leprosarium.	48
Figure 5-3.  Clearing of brush from the cistern. Photo taken by the author in 2008.	49
Figure 5-4.  Facing northwest towards the east wall of the cistern.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.	50
Figure 5-5.  View of the interior of the cistern.  Note the dead iguana in the center.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.	50
Figure 5-6.  Aerial photograph of Hassel Island with the site map and 1851 admiralty map overlayed to show the relation of the current cistern to the historic image of the cistern.  The red circle marks the location of the cistern remains overlayed with	52
Figure 5-7.  Foundation A, facing southwest.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.	53
Figure 5-8.  Foundation B, facing southwest towards the cistern.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.	54
Figure 5-9.  Foundation C, facing north towards the cistern. Photo taken in 2008 by the author.	55
Figure 5-10.  Facing WNW looking at a gravesite.  The large piece of coral (red arrow) marks the top of the grave, while the pile of rocks would have covered the body. Photo taken by the author in 2008.	56
Figure 5-11.  Leprosarium site map.	57
Figure 5-12.  Detail, northeast portion of site map.	58
Figure 5-13.  Detail, northwest portion of site map.	59
Figure 5-14.  Detail, center portion of the site map.	60
Figure 5-15.  Detail, southern portion of site map.	61
Figure 5-16.  Laying grid, facing southwest. Photo taken in 2008 by Holly Norton.	62
Figure 5-17.  Base of Test Unit 1. Facing East. Taken by the author in 2008.	64
Figure 5-18.  Base of Test Unit 2.  Facing South.  Taken by the author in 2008.	65
Figure 5-19.  Base of Test Unit 3.  Facing southeast. Taken by the author in 2008.	65
Figure 6-1.  Porcelain sherd with gilding and molded design.	74
Figure 6-2. Stoneware vessel sherds from N512 E504 with interior Albany slip (1805-1920).	75
Figure 6-3.  Stoneware bottle base from N516 E502.	77
Figure 6-4.  Bristol glazed ginger beer bottle sherds from N506 E506.	77
Figure 6-5.  Possible pearlware sherd.  Note the blue pooling.	78
Figure 6-6.  Seriation graph of refined earthenware designs	81
Figure 6-7.  Seriation graph of refined earthenware designs	82
Figure 6-8.  "[ROCKI]NGHAM" maker's mark on whiteware sherd from general surface collection FS#90	82
Figure 6-9.  "[OPA]QUE DE S[ARREGUEMINES]" maker's mark on whiteware sherd from N500 E502.	83
Figure 6-10.  Unidentifiable maker's mark on a whiteware sherd from N516 E504.	83
Figure 6-11.  The variety of colors found on transfer printed wares at the leprosy hospital.	85
Figure 6-12.  Blue Willow transfer print sherd recovered from N500 E502.	86
Figure 6-13.  Examples of red chinoiserie transfer print patterns.	86
Figure 6-14.  Examples of landscape or pastoral transfer-print designs.	88
Figure 6-15. Dark blue, continuous floral border.	89
Figure 6-16. Brown, continuous floral borders.	90
Figure 6-17.  Blue transfer printed and sponged whiteware sherd recovered from N502 E500.	91
Figure 6-18.  Large, cut sponged bowl recovered from N502 E502.	93
Figure 6-19.  Cut sponged and banded whiteware sherd from N510 E498.	93
Figure 6-20.  Cat's eye design on an industrial slipware fragment from N512 E500.	94
Figure 6-21.  Engine turned industrial slipware fragment from FS#91.	94
Figure 6-22.  Annular industrial slipware fragment from N504 E506.	96
Figure 6-23.  Polychrome, handpainted whiteware sherd from N514 E502.	96
Figure 6-24.  Blue shell edged whiteware	97
Figure 6-25.  Banded whiteware fragment.	99
Figure 6-26.  Whiteware fragment with stenciled design.	99
Figure 6-27.   Large, earthenware basin sherds recovered from general surface collection.	101
Figure 6-28.  Black, lead glazed earthenware.	102
Figure 6-29.  A sample of some of the dark olive glass recovered.	105
Figure 6-30.  Dip molded vessel bases.	107
Figure 6-31.  Applied finish.	108
Figure 6-32.   Dr. J.G.B. Siegert and Hijos (post-1870) Ricketts molded bottle.	109
Figure 6-33.  Cracked off finish.	111
Figure 6-34.  Dr. J.G.B. Siegert bitter bottle fragments	112
Figure 6-35.  P.F. Heering Cherry Liqueur bottle fragments.  The two on the left are imitations.	114
Figure 6-36.  Possible medicine bottle fragment.  Molded graduated markings and the letters "poons" [spoons]? are molded onto the vessel.	117
Figure 6-37.  W. White and Sons pipe stem fragment.	119
Figure 6-38.  Scottish pipe with steam powered locomotive and paddle steamer design.	120
Figure 6-39.  Dutch pipe with crown and '54' stamp.	120
Figure 6-40.  Another Dutch pipe with crown and number stamp.  Full number is not legible.	123
Figure 6-41.  French and English gunflints.	123
Figure 6-42.  Compound, blue bead recovered from N516 E504.	127
Figure 6-43.  Prosser button recovered from the trail surface collection.	129
Figure 6-44.  Ceramic marble recovered from N504 E506.	130
Figure 6-45.  Slate pencil recovered from N506 E504.	131
Figure 6-46.  Heavily rusted cut nail from test unit 3.	132
Figure 6-47.  Metal lamp part recovered from N502 E502.	133
Figure 7-1.  Cropped image of the site map showing Foundations A and B, the cistern, and the 2 x 2 meter units used in this study.  The foundations and cistern are circled in red.	139
Figure 7-2.  Cropped image from an 1851 map showing the four structures located at the leprosarium.  The smallest structure is the cistern.	140
Figure 7-3.  1851 map with the site map overlayed.  The two maps do not fit perfectly together, which is probably the result of both site map error and errors with historic map accuracy.	141
Figure 7-4.  Distribution map of artifacts that date to the leprosarium.	144
Figure 7-5.  Distribution map of artifacts that post-date the leprosarium.	145
Figure 7-6.  Distribution map of all bottle glass fragments that could be dated to the leprosarium.	147
Figure 7-7.  Distibution map of porcelain artifacts.	148
Figure 7-8.  Distribution map of stoneware artifacts.	149
Figure 7-9.  Distribution map of coarse earthenware artifacts.	150
Figure 7-10.  Distribution map of refined earthenware artifact	151
Figure 7-11.  Map of the general surface collections near the cistern and Foundation C.  The counts for ceramic ware types recovered from each surface collection are circled in red.	153
Figure 7-12.  Distribution map of undecorated wares.	154
Figure 7-13.  Distribution map of minimally decorated wares.	155
Figure 7-14.  Distribution map of hand painted wares.	157
Figure 7-15.  Distribution map of transfer-printed wares.	158























List of Attachments

File 1: Artifact Data (Excel File)…………………………………Appendix I-Artifact Data.xlsx
File 2: Full Size Size Map (PNG Image)………………………........Leprosarium Site Map.png


























iv

Chapter 1
  Introduction

From 1833 to 1861, a small leprosarium, or quarantine hospital for those afflicted with leprosy, was in operation on a 135-acre peninsula, known at the time as Orcanhullet (now called Hassel Island), located in the harbor of Charlotte Amalie, St. Thomas, in then Danish West Indies.  The leprosarium was referred to in the historic documents as the Lazaretto, the Hospital for Lepers, and the Scrofula Hospital (a different disease that can be mistaken for leprosy), and served as a way to segregate those afflicted by leprosy from the rest of the population, thereby easing the fear that the disease would spread through the island’s population.  The 16th through the late 18th centuries were a time of decline in leprosy occurrences throughout the Western world, but by the last quarter of the 18th century sailors and explorers, seeking new lands to conquer, began observing increased cases of leprosy among the islands located in the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans (Edmund 2006:24-26).  Studies during the 19th century in the Caribbean (see Royal College of Physicians 1867) showed leprosy being common on most Caribbean islands, but the concern to contain those infected seemed to be minimal.  Most Caribbean physicians believed the disease to be hereditary instead of contagious.  Those suffering from leprosy were often viewed as more of an irritant to society, because of street begging, than a danger to public health.  While some poor houses existed to keep lepers off the streets, very few establishments existed to help treat or quarantine lepers in the Caribbean during the early and mid-19th century (Royal College of Physicians 1867).  
Leprosy did not appear to discriminate between class, race, age, or sex, although certain groups had the ability of hide their disease from public knowledge.  Physicians reported that their ability to treat leprosy was almost non-existent, in that a case had never been cured and that most medical treatments did not help the disease.  Therefore, leprosy sufferers were often limited to local or non-medicinal “treatments” which helped mask the symptoms or pain of the disease rather than help to cure it.  
During the summer of 2008, fieldwork was conducted by the National Park Service (NPS) on Hassel Island at the leprosarium’s former location.  The site, along with its remaining foundations and cistern, was mapped, photographed, and GPS points were taken.  Artifactual remains believed to be associated with the leprosarium were collected using controlled and general surface collections and subsurface excavations.  All collected materials were counted, weighed, and analyzed at the Virgin Islands NPS archaeology laboratory on St. John.  
	This study presents an analysis of the leprosarium on Hassel Island using the historical record and the recovered artifacts to assess the conditions of life for the patients living in isolation.  It also uses spatial analysis to understand the relationships between artifacts and building locations.  The artifacts and the historical record will be used to assess the kinds of medical treatments, if any, the patients received.  This study will also examine the historical and artifactual remains to determine the economic status of the hospital residents.  Spatial analysis will be used to determine if any association exists between artifacts and building locations.  This study hopes to provide a greater understanding on how disease and quarantine were dealt with in the Caribbean during the 19th century, before scientific and medical research provided the answers.
The historical background on Hassel Island and the leprosarium came from police, medical, and government documents mostly found in the Danish National Archives in Copenhagen.  These sources were translated by Rune Winfield, contracted by the National Park Service to help in the background research and translating needed for this study.   
	This study will be organized in the following fashion.  Following this introduction, Chapter 2 includes a background on leprosy and how it has been viewed and treated from Biblical times through the present. Chapter 3 is a background on the anthropology and archaeology of disease and how this study will fit into that framework.  Chapter 4 will present a brief introduction to St. Thomas, the history of Hassel Island, from its beginnings as land for grazing, to its economic importance with careening and shipping businesses, its military significance, and its ultimate economic decline in the 20th century, resulting in its purchase by the National Park Service in 1978.  This chapter will also discuss Hassel Island’s use as a mechanism for quarantine of those infected with smallpox and leprosy.  Chapter 5 describes prior fieldwork at the leprosarium and the methods used to conduct fieldwork for this study.  Chapter 6 will include a discussion on the laboratory analysis methods used in this study, along with issues encountered regarding the time available to analyze the artifacts, and how constraints of time and access affected the study.  Important artifacts will be described in further detail.  This chapter also includes an analysis of artifact types and their importance in inferring information about the site’s occupants.    Chapter 7 describes spatial analysis and how it was used to find associations between the site’s artifacts and building remnants.  Chapter 8 summarizes the results of this study and provides suggestions for future research conducted at this site or other leprosaria from this time period.     

Chapter 2
Leprosy and Treatment in Western Europe and the Tropics

Leprosy can be defined by modern science as a chronic disease, caused by the bacillus Mycrobacterium leprae which, left untreated, can cause permanent damage to the skin, limbs, nerves, and eyes.  It is now known that leprosy is not highly contagious, and if detected early and with the proper medical treatment, can be successfully treated (WHO 2010).  Before Gerhard Armauer Hansen’s 1873 discovery of the pathogen, Mycrobacterium leprae, that causes leprosy, physicians throughout the world were uncertain of how to characterize or treat leprosy patients (WHO 1988:6).  Leprosy has been recognized among human populations since ancient times in Egypt, China, and India.  Mentions of leprosy in the Bible’s Old Testament book of Leviticus told priests to label those infected with the disease as “unclean” and cast them out of society (Moran 2007:4-5).  Interestingly, many scholars now believe that the Hebrew word, tsara’ath, which was translated to lepra in Latin and Greek, may have been translated incorrectly.  It is believed to have been a term referring to any number of dermatological diseases, but not leprosy as we know today (Gould 2005:3).    
Medieval physicians believed that diseases resulted from disparities in the four humors, blood, phlegm and yellow and black bile, which ran throughout the body.  Several symptoms of leprosy, including lesions and bleeding, were associated with problems and diseases with the blood, which physicians believed were caused by lust (Hays 2005:36-37).  According to an early Christian historian in the first century, any sexual intercourse on the Christian Sabbath that resulted in a pregnancy would produce offspring with epilepsy or leprosy.  Jewish belief held the notion that a child born of a mother who had sex and became pregnant while menstruating would be leprous (Zias 1989: 27-31).  By the 14th century, physicians began to relate leprosy to problems with black bile, which associated the disease with melancholia and depression (Hays 2005:37).
Leper houses were established during the Middle Ages in Western Europe as a way to contain and care for those infected.  Laws of the time stated that those with leprosy could lose their property and rights of citizenship.  Despite the leper houses built to separate lepers from society, the afflicted were still allowed to roam the streets of Medieval Europe as a reminder to the rest of the populations of God’s punishment for sinful behavior.  In 1179, the Catholic Church’s Third Lateran Council linked the disease to disregard of sexual restraints and instructed those with leprosy be further segregated from society in housing provided specifically for the diseased (Moran 2007:4-5).  
These leper homes varied in terms of size and wealth.  Most were probably small and dismal, although larger, more elaborate ones existed.  Some of the facilities required a fee to be paid, but most ran on charitable donations.  The earliest leper homes were controlled by the church, but the later centuries of the Middle Ages saw a shift to government-controlled facilities (Hays 2005:37).  Leper houses in England had features similar to those of a small hospital. The afflicted formed a self-governing community with buildings, a chapel, a graveyard, and received small donations for support.  Most had a patron, a local lord or council, who was in charge in choosing the hospital head and even who could and could not live there (Orme and Padel 1996:102).  
Leper houses were usually located on a main road near town so the lepers could seek
donations from local residents and passing travelers.  A 1258 document from a leper house in Cornwall, England, called Lamford Hospital, suggests a definite institutionalized structure to the community.  The hospital’s patron reserved the right to decide who was admitted to the hospital.  Social standing among the lepers was determined by the goods they brought and the dinner which they had to provide when they arrived.  A certain degree of wealth was probably required in order to gain entrance to Lamford.  Those less fortunate had to live on the fringes of society without any support (Orme and Padel 1996: 102-104).
A sharp decline in the number of leper homes by the 14th century suggests that infection was decreasing.  The decrease in leprosy cases may be attributed to the second plague pandemic that killed off large segments of Europe’s population.  There was also a rise in the diagnosis of pulmonary tuberculosis, which is caused by microorganisms similar to leprosy, and is also more contagious.  Someone who is infected by pulmonary tuberculosis may be immune to leprosy, and vice versa; therefore leprosy outbreaks may have decreased because more people were infected with tuberculosis (Hays 2005: 39).  By the beginning of the 16th century, leprosy is almost non-existent in Western Europe, except for outbreaks in remote areas of Scandinavia (35).  Although leprosy would fade out of the limelight for the next couple of centuries, the end of the leprosy outbreak of the Middle Ages left behind a reminder that leprosy should be associated with persecution and disassociation with society (Moran 2007:5).
By the late 18th century, Western European sailors and explorers began writing of their increasing observances of leprosy on the islands located in the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans.  Scientist Johann Reinhold Forster wrote in 1778 of his observations of leprosy while on a voyage to Tahiti.  He noticed that skin diseases were common on European ships arriving on the island.  Forster suggested that leprosy was being brought to Tahiti via slaves being transported to the islands, but he was quick to change his accusation once he realized that placing the blame on his European shipmates may not have been the best idea.  Forster ultimately concluded that leprosy was indigenous to the island and had no linkage to the arrival of Europeans (Edmond 2006:24-26).  Forster’s original conclusion was most likely correct as modern medicine has concluded that leprosy is a mildly contagious, bacterial disease, transmitted via droplets, from the nose or mouth, if frequent or close contact occurs with infected persons (WHO 2010). Genomic research shows that leprosy has moved throughout populations based on migrations of people.  Explorers and colonialists of either European or Northern African decent introduced leprosy to West Africa, and the transatlantic slave trade introduced the disease to the Caribbean (Monot et al. 2005: 1040-1042).
Slave medical manuals of the late 18th-to-early 19th centuries began focusing on leprosy in the West Indies.  Grainger (1764) wrote that while leprosy appeared most commonly among the slave population, “…the White people in the West-Indies are not exempted from this dreadful calamity…” (53). Grainger expressed his concerns on whether the disease was contagious or not, since children and spouses of those with leprosy did not always contract the disease. He noted that leprosy often arises from being over-heated, then cooling down too suddenly, but it can also occur without any visible cause.  He noted that many treatments such 
as sarsa, sassafras, lingnum-vitea, and China root irritated that disease rather than helped alleviate its symptoms (53-54).
English physician Thomas Bateman’s 1836 medical text A Practical Synopsis of Cutaneous Diseases, differentiated three types of leprosy: Lepra vulgaris, Lepra alphoides, and Lepra nigricans (36).  Bateman classified leprosy as a scaly disease that was chronic and not easy to cure, but not contagious and rarely dangerous (34-35).  
Further research on leprosy was conducted in the early 19th century after leprosy was rediscovered among the Norwegian peasantry.  The Norwegian government funded an investigation and the 1847 report became the definitive European medical account of leprosy until Hansen’s discoveries in the 1870s.  The reports divided leprosy into two types: tubercular and anaesthetic.  The report argued that leprosy was not contagious.  Instead it was predominately hereditary, although it could sometimes erupt due to environmental factors.  Unlike other publications on leprosy during this time, researchers in Norway used remote, ethnically homogenous populations as their study group, not mixed populations like those in the West Indies and Pacific (Edmond 2006:45).
Even with its known existence in colder climates, such as Norway, leprosy was considered to be a tropical disease because of its presence in the warmer climates of Asia, Africa, the Americas, and the Pacific.  Countries that had imperial, military, or economic aspirations with tropical locations were very concerned with tropical diseases because of the effect they could have on their people who were being sent to these locations (Bynum 1994:147).  The mid-19th century saw the creation of the field of tropical medicine.  The rise of tropical medicine was brought about by Europe and North America’s increasing presence in tropical locations and by the ability of medicine to help dominate, by Christianizing and “civilizing,” these locations (148).  
The 1867 Report on Leprosy, prepared by the Royal College of Physicians in London, is a compilation of responses to questions about the prevalence of leprosy in colonies of the Empire.  Data from thirteen islands in the Caribbean were included in the report, including: Jamaica, Tortola (Virgin Islands), St. Kitts, Nevis, Montserrat, Antigua, Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Barbados, Grenada, Tobago, and Trinidad. The occurrence of leprosy and the understanding of the disease throughout the West Indies varied from island to island (Table 2-1).   In Jamaica, for example, leprosy was common and physicians described the disease in terms similar to those used in the report released by the Norwegian government two decades earlier.  



Table 2.1.  Condensed table of some of the key points about leprosy listed by island physicians in the Report on Leprosy (1867).  
	Island
	Age of onset
	More Common in Males or Females?
	Race/Ethnicity Most Infected
	Rich or Poor?
	Hereditary or Contagious?
	Restrictions on Public Interactions
	Leper-home/Hospital

	Jamaica
	20 - 40
	Males
	Jews/Black/Colored
	Both
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	Tortola
	20 - 50
	Females
	No Information
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	St. Kitts
	10+
	Males
	No Information
	Both
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	Nevis
	Uncertain
	Same in both sexes
	Black/Colored
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	Montserrat
	All ages
	Males
	Colored (mixed race)
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	Yes

	Antigua
	All ages
	Same in both sexes
	Does not affect one race over another
	Both
	Hereditary
	None
	Yes

	Dominica
	7+
	Same in both sexes
	Does not affect one race over another
	Both
	Hereditary
	None
	Yes

	St. Lucia
	All ages
	Females
	Black
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	St. Vincent
	All ages
	Same in both sexes
	Black/Colored
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	Barbados
	All ages
	Same in both sexes
	Black
	Both
	Hereditary
	None
	Yes

	Grenada
	10+
	Same in both sexes
	Colored (mixed race)
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	Tobago
	10+
	Males
	Black
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	None

	Trinidad
	All ages
	Males
	Black/Colored
	Poor
	Hereditary
	None
	Yes



Jamaican physicians noted that the disease seemed to appear more commonly in men than in women, with the black, colored (mixed race), and Jewish populations affected the most.  They noted that there was no class distinction in who came down with the disease, but that the disease appeared to be hereditary.  Jamaica had no laws or restrictions banning lepers from living among the non-infected and there was no leper asylum/home. With the increasing occurrence of the disease, the legislature had recently passed an act to build a leper asylum, but as of 1867, this had yet to be accomplished. 
On Tortola, the closest island in this study to St. Thomas, the island physician stated that leprosy was rare in the Virgin Islands.  The physician had very little information on the disease itself.  He had only seen three mild cases of the disease, all in adult females and among the poor.  There were no restrictions against those with leprosy and no leper asylum in the British Virgin Islands.
On Antigua, the physician, like his colleagues in Jamaica, followed the Norwegian medical report in describing the disease.  Leprosy did not appear more frequently in one sex than the other, nor did it affect one race more than another.  Leprosy was believed to be hereditary.  Antigua had no restrictions on lepers but there was a lepers’ hospital to help those who had become destitute.  The hospital was run by the poor law guardians and their medical officer.  There was a twelve-room building for the lepers, a house for the superintendent, and a chapel.  Each room in the hospital could hold three to four patients, although in the 1867, the hospital only housed 22 lepers.  Built in 1838 by The Daily Meal Society, this hospital, known as the Lazaretto, consisted of six rooms for females and six rooms for males.  Each room could hold three patients.  The enclosed yard around the Lazaretto kept chickens inside and had space for a garden.  Bamboo was planted to make baskets, since one of the patients was skilled in
the task and the sales of his work were used to purchase clothes for himself.  The patients are noted as being content and happy, as well as receiving “scriptural instruction” (Lanaghan 1844: 256).  The Daily Meal Society also built an infirmary on the island and it is noted that “The best medical attention is procured for them; wine and other strengthening nourishment administered to the sick…” (257).  The practice of giving alcohol to patients may explain the large amount of bottle glass from alcoholic beverages recovered at the leprosy hospital on Hassel Island discussed in Chapter 6.
The Report on Leprosy shows varying opinions among doctors in the West Indies about which race was afflicted with leprosy most frequently.  While some of the islands’ doctors reported no difference between races afflicted, others reported seeing the majority of leprosy cases among the black and colored populations.  Interestingly, a few doctors made the observation that the white population did not necessarily suffer less from the disease, but had the capability to hide it.  Those who had affluent lifestyles could keep hidden at home or make sure doctors never reported their disease.  The less affluent sufferers, who were usually members of the non-white population, were often reported because they were the destitute on the streets asking for money or receiving money from government and religious charities.	
The report also shows that very few hospitals or asylums dedicated to leprosy patients existed in the West Indies during the 1860s.  For the majority of the 13 Caribbean nations included in this report, leprosy sufferers had few, if any, restrictions keeping them from roaming freely among the non-afflicted.  A few islands reported having poor houses that took in lepers and provided a monthly pittance for leprosy sufferers in order to keep them from begging on the streets.  The lack of restriction or quarantine may be attributed to the general acceptance that leprosy was a heredity disease and not highly contagious.  Lepers were viewed as more of a nuisance than a threat to public health.
The Report on Leprosy asked doctors to report on how medicine had been used in treating leprosy and if any cures had been found.  No doctor in the West Indies reported ever seeing a patient cured of leprosy and many stated that medical treatments provided no relief to the sufferer.  Doctors reported using iodine, arsenic, or other “treatments” such as liquor to help with symptoms, but none helped stop the disease from progressing.  Several doctors suggested that an improvement in diet and hygiene could possibly help reduce symptoms and lengthen lifespans.  An article in an 1834 issue of the Virgin Island newspaper, Saint Thomas Tidende, included an account by a man named Count Segur, who told the story of a woman in Guatemala, who suffered from leprosy and was driven from her home.  While wandering through the woods, she was taken in by a tribe, who had her swallow a raw lizard, cut into pieces, every day for three weeks. After doing this, the woman was said to have been cured of leprosy.  Count Segur wrote of trying lizard himself and said that “The property of this animal, is the cause at the end of a few days such abundant perspiration and salivation as to carry off the disease in a very short time.”  Unfortunately for Count Segur, the physicians he told of this “cure” paid little attention and carried on no further research.  The newspaper editor went on to say that eating lizard was often spoken of around the Virgin Islands as a cure and the type of lizard required for treatment was found commonly around the islands (Segur 1834).  
In 1873 Norwegian physician Gerhard Armauer Hansen identified the bacterium, Mycobacterium leprae, that causes leprosy.  This discovery was one of the first identifications of a microbial pathogen in humans (WHO 1988: 6).  Despite this discovery, Hansen remained mostly unknown outside of Norway and the medical community and the debate continued throughout the rest of the 19th century and into the early 20th century on whether leprosy was contagious or hereditary.   During the same year of Hansen’s discovery, a Belgian Catholic missionary name Father Damien began work at a Hawaiian leprosy settlement, and his sixteen- year service at the settlement garnered worldwide attention, especially when he contracted the disease and died from it.  His death helped further the idea that leprosy was definitely contagious, despite medical claims that it was not dangerously contagious, and those with the disease needed to be separated from society. In the 1920s, the common practice of segregating those with leprosy began to fall out of practice.  A promising treatment, using an injection of chaulmoogra (see Parascandola 2003), an old Asian remedy, corresponded to the decrease in forced segregation (Gould 2005: 16-18).  
Modern medicine has determined that M. leprae is most likely transmitted via skin lesions and the nasal mucous of those infected.  M. leprae enters the body of a host either through broken skin or the respiratory tract, with the respiratory tract being the main portal of entry.  Those who have frequent contact with leprosy patients, such as those within the household, are more likely to contact the disease than those with less frequent contact (WHO 1988:6-7).  Leprosy can take on two different forms depending on how one’s body responds to the bacteria.  If the body’s immune system goes into overdrive in order to fight the bacteria, the result is tuberculoid, or paucibacillary leprosy, which is the more belign, less infectious form of leprosy.  If the body does not fight the bacteria at all, the result is lepromatous, or multibacillary leprosy, the most serious and contagious form of leprosy.  It is also possible to come in contact with the bacteria and never develop leprosy (Gould 2005:14-15).  All ages can be afflicted with leprosy, although it is rarely found in infants.  The highest rates occur between the ages of 10 and 20, and then decline (WHO 1988:7).  Leprosy, in modern times, is treated using a multiple drug therapy, consisting of dapsone, rifampicin, and clofazimine, which can kill 99.9 percent of the bacteria causing leprosy within in a few days (Gould 2005:16).
While the moral stigma associated with leprosy mostly died out as leprosy waned during the late Middle Ages, a negative social stigma is still attached to those with the disease (Gilbert 1987:598).  Communities often still view leprosy as a punishment from God and are often unsympathetic to those who are afflicted.  It can be hard for the afflicted to find jobs and along with the physical deformation that can occur and the social isolation, leprosy sufferers are often destitute, which makes treating the disease more difficult (WHO 1988:72).  
According to a 2011 report by the World Health Organization on the prevalence of leprosy during the first quarter of 2011, no data were submitted by the United States or British Virgin Islands on their counts of leprosy cases.  Most Caribbean islands did not submit information.  Of those that did, Cuba reported 282 cases, Haiti reported 26, Dominica reported zero cases, the Dominican Republic reported 321, Saint Kitts and Nevis reported 1, Saint Lucia reported 6, and Trinidad and Tobago reported 46 cases (WHO 2011b:396-397).  The prevalence of leprosy in the Caribbean, within the countries who submitted information is less than one per 10,000 people (WHO 2011a).


Chapter 3
The Anthropology and Archaeology of Disease and Confinement

	The World Health Organization defines infectious diseases as those “…caused by pathogenic microorganisms, such as bacteria, viruses, parasites, or fungi; the diseases can be spread, directly or indirectly, from one person to another” (WHO 2012).  An outbreak of an infectious disease can have major effects on a society, not only at the psychological and social levels, but also on the broader political and economic levels.  Infectious diseases and the resulting cultural changes provide an excellent opportunity for anthropological studies, from the biological perspective to the historical (Inhorn and Brown 1990:89-90).
	Inhorn and Brown (1990) provide a framework of different theoretical perspectives of how disease has been studied in anthropology and related fields.  From a biological perspective, theoretical approaches to diseases have focused on evolutionary studies (90).  From the microevolutionary standpoint, infectious diseases have played a major role in natural selection throughout the past 5000 years.  Individuals who were more resistant to disease in areas where disease was rampant, were more likely to help continue populating the area and creating offspring that would also be more disease resistant.  Those who were susceptible to disease died off (91-92).  The macroevolutionary approach studies prehistoric and historic populations to gain an understanding of the epidemiological patterns of disease transmission.  Using osteological techniques, anthropologists map the antiquity and evolutionary patterns of infectious diseases, and these findings help bring an understanding of the physical and cultural environments of the population involved (93-95).  From the ecological perspective, or disease ecology, the focus is on the environment, both physical and sociocultural, and how this affects infectious disease.  The sociocultural approach focuses on the link between human behavior and infectious diseases.  Human behavior has been shown to both deter and provoke the risk of spreading infectious diseases throughout history (95-97).  
	For leprosy, studies have typically focused on the biological, looking at how to identify leprosy in skeletal remains, and the sociocultural, which focuses on how the stigma of leprosy and the isolation from quarantining have affected past and current populations.  Skeletally, leprosy causes characteristic and permanent changes to the bone in various regions of the body such as the skull, long bones, hands, and feet (see MØller-Christensen 1967:295-306).  Examining skeletal remains for evidence of leprosy has helped in tracking the earliest movements of the disease throughout Western Europe, Africa, and Asia.  For this study, at the leprosarium on Hassel Island, biological methods provide no input, since no skeletal remains were uncovered during excavation.  While a small cemetery is believed to be associated with the hospital, it was not included as part of this project.  
	The stigma associated with leprosy is said to be worse than the disease itself (see Anderson 2005 for a cultural study of leprosy on St. Kitts and Nevis).  Leprosy has often been associated with Biblical references and efforts have been made to adopt the name “Hansen’s disease,” in order to disassociate it with the Biblical leprosy.  The stigma that leprosy is a consequence of sinful behavior still exists, even outside Judeo-Christian societies.  Those afflicted with leprosy have been and still are in some areas outcast from society.  They are unable to find employment, and receive government support or beg on the streets.  Those forced into isolation, historically, have had to live in deplorable conditions (see chapter 2) or as in China in 1912, have been rounded up, placed in a pit, and shot (Helman 2007:419-423; Gould 2005: 8-9,20).   
Since leprosy is known as a skin disorder, individuals have been stigmatized if they have any sort of discoloration or problems with their skin, because people have mistaken them for lepers.  Modern organizations, such as the World Health Organization, have worked to create programs for areas where leprosy is still a problem that deal not only with the physical components of the disease, but also the social issues, such as educating communities about how diseases are contracted and how they are treated (Helman 2007:419-423; Gussow and Tracy 1970:425-449; Gould 2005:8-10).  At the leprosarium on Hassel Island, patients were possibly being admitted involuntarily, unless they had monetary means of supporting themselves. The conditions at the leprosarium were not good (see chapter 4); therefore, as well the physical impacts of the disease, the stigma of being isolated from society probably had quite a negative impact on the patient socially and psychologically.  Archaeologically, the social impacts of stigma and isolation can be seen on the site, from the isolated location of the leprosarium itself to the types of artifacts recovered, such as the prevalence of alcohol bottles, the lack of medicine, few expensive ceramics, and few personal items.       
	The isolation and confinement that has accompanied leprosy throughout history may not have existed had the disease not been associated with immorality and had populations understood how leprosy was contracted.  Much of the confusion surrounding leprosy in the past has involved physicians and government officials not knowing whether the disease was contagious or hereditary.  Leprosy can often take several years to show symptoms, so physicians were often confused as to why someone might have be in contact with lepers but not show immediate symptoms, which led to questioning on how contagious the disease was.  While leprosy sufferers were sometimes confined in leper homes or hospitals, they were typically allowed to still mingle with the general population. Following Hansen’s 1873 discovery of the bacterium causing leprosy and the worldwide attention garnered by the death of Father Damien, the belief that lepers should be isolated intensified until a proper treatment was discovered in the early-mid 20th century (See Chapter 2). 
	Anthropologists and historians often focus on the development, design, and the operation of institutions, which reflected peoples’ ideas about illness or the treatment of “deviant” behavior.  For the context of this study, an institution can be defined as, “an organization providing residential care for people with special needs” (Oxford Dictionaries 2012).  Historically, institutional confinement, whether for criminals, the sick, or the poor, took a turn in the 16th century when typically religious institutions became institutions based on the idea that those incarcerated could be transformed from non-productive members of society into individuals that were hard-working and contributed to the economy of their area (Casella 2007: 8). Before this transformation, hospitals in the Middle Ages focused on communal movement between interior spaces.  Residences were shared and arranged along a long hall with a chapel at one end.  There were multiple access points for the structure.  During the 16th century, when the transformation of institutional confinement began, these types of structures began being organized around the idea of segregation and limited access to the outside.  Occupants were segregated into different living units and constantly under surveillance (9).  By the 17th century, these institutions also began creating jobs for the inmates to do and the resulting goods that they produced could be sold (9-10).  Documents pertaining to the leprosarium suggest that while patients may have been admitted involuntarily, there was a lack of security and there is no evidence the patients had to work.  During the 1830s, the police force was in charge of committing lepers to the leprosarium, although a report by the Landfysikus, the royal appointed physician, in 1842 mentions that not all lepers on St. Thomas were admitted to the hospital.  This disparity is also evident on the 1856 patient list (see Table 4-1), which suggests that two lepers had the ability to pay for their expenses and possibly stay at home instead of being committed to the hospital.  By 1860, the Landfysikus was reluctant to admit anyone to the leprosarium because of its deplorable conditions.  While the leprosarium was located on a slope isolated from the main town, it was easily visible from the western side of Charlotte Amalie. The facility was said to be surrounded by a fence, but it is doubtful that this fence kept patients in. The strip of land connecting Hassel to St. Thomas was not cut until three years after the leprosarium ceased operations in 1861, so it is quite possible that patients still roamed the streets of St. Thomas as they pleased (St. Thomas politikontor (St. Thomas Police Office) 1788-1905; St. Thomas og St. Jan guvernement (St. Thomas and St. John Government) 1711-1917; St. Thomas borgerråd (St. Thomas Burgher Council) 1776-1865; Medicinalindberetninger, Vestindien (Medical Reports from Danish West Indies) 1823-1910).      
	Studying the archaeological remains of an institution provides the opportunity to explore living conditions, cultural practices, and labor practices that occurred at the location.  The earliest archaeological investigations into institutionalized life began in the early-to-mid 20th century and focused on Spanish mission sites in the Southwest.  These excavations focused mainly on locating the structures associated with the missions and allowed for research on landscape and community designs (Baugher 2009: 5-6).  As the theoretical perspective known as New Archaeology or processualism took hold in the second half the 20th century, research as the Spanish mission sites shifted to answering social questions involving the material remnants at the sites (6).  Archaeological investigations with a post-processual focus began concentrating on how institution design and material remains can answer questions about class, race, gender, ethnicity, and the ideology of the institutionalized (6-7).
 While the study of the artifactual remains of leprosaria has been minimal, most archaeological studies have involved the analysis of the skeletal remains of leprous individuals (see Roberts 1995; MØller-Christensen 1967).  Studying the architecture of medieval leprosaria has revealed that they were isolated outside the main town and all had attached churches and cemeteries, while hospitals for non-leprosy sufferers were located within the town (Farley and Manchester 1989:88; Meyers 2011). 	
	Archaeological investigations conducted at the Peel Island Lazaret, located in Queensland, Australia, found four separate dumping areas associated with the hospital’s operation during the first half of the 20th century.  Archaeologists found that each dumping area was unique.  The first dumping area contained items of everyday use for the patients, such as bottles, ceramics, and leather fragments.  The second dump consisted of items related to hospital use, such as bedpans, urine bottles, and kitchen items.  The third dump, located further from the site, contained metal drums, glass, ceramics, and a Ford truck.  The fourth dump contained items from during and post-lazaret operations.  Only one personal item, a clock, was found in association with the hospital, and dumps of D-cell batteries were the only indications of recreational activities occurring at the hospital (Pragnell 2002:31-38).
	The archaeological remains recovered from a late-19th century through the mid-20th century leprosarium located in Kalawao, Hawaii (Flexner 2010; 2012) revealed how material objects played an important role in social identity.  Nearly half of the artifacts recovered were glass, with 40 percent of the glass assemblage being bottle glass.  Of the identified bottle glass, beer bottles were common; especially beer bottles that post-date the operation of the leprosarium.  Flexner believes that beer was an important socialization tool for the patients, and that even after the leprosarium was not in operation, former patients would return to the site, have a beer, and socialize.   Excavations also recovered glass artifacts with conchoidal fractures from retouch and use as cutting or scraping tools.  Ceramics recovered were varied in color and decoration.  Flexner suggests that while plain wares might be expected in an institutional or controlled context, the wide variety of color and decoration on the wares at Kalawao may represent donations of used, non-matched ceramics by charitable organizations or individuals.  Patients may have expressed their identities by choosing colorful wares to use during meals.  Flexner concludes that while the leprosarium was built as an institution meant to confine and isolate a population, the patients were able to express their individuality and form their own community through the use of material culture.
	In the Caribbean, on the Isla de Cabras in Puerto Rico, a maritime quarantine station was in operation from 1878 to 1898, and then a leper colony replaced the quarantine station and was in use from 1900 to 1926 (Schiappacasse 2011:2).  Officials in Puerto Rico took a strict stance on quarantining those with leprosy.  Those believed to be suffering from leprosy or those known to have the disease, where sent to the Isla de Cabras permanently, unless it was discovered that they were misdiagnosed, they were cured, or they escaped (165-166).  While up to 40 patients resided at the hospital at a time, the government refused to provide an adequate amount of money to the colony to provide building maintenance or decent living conditions for the patients (169).  Artifacts pertaining both to the operation of the quarantine station and the leper colony were often found in the same archaeological context. Schiappacasse was able to associate some artifacts the leper colony exclusively, including items such as fragments from a jar of cream for irritated skin, and game pieces which could be associated with the hospital based on historical descriptions of activities available to patients (334).  Interestingly, Schiappacasse believes that the container glass fragments from liquor bottles are not associated with the leper colony, because patients, who were not provided basic living essentials by the government, would have not been provided liquor.  She does concede that there was a slight possibility that patients were somehow acquiring liquor with their own funds.  Also, more expensive ceramics or glasswares, such as porcelain, or wine goblets, were associated with the quarantine hospital, because wealthy maritime travelers were still fed quality food even though they were quarantined (336).  Schiappacasse’s research provides a Caribbean comparison of leprosaria even though this leprosarium post-dates the opening of the Hassel Island leprosarium by almost 70 years.  Like the leper colony on Isla de Cabras, the leprsarium on Hassel Island was underfunded and living conditions were dismal. Interestingly, alcohol consumption, which was not believed to be easily accessible to patients on Isla de Cabras, appears to have been commonplace on Hassel Island (see Chapter 6).
From a sociological/anthropological standpoint, the Hassel Island leprosarium has provided an opportunity to examine, through historical documents, how the government attempted to deal with leprosy in the Danish West Indies.  It is evident from the documents that the government wanted to get lepers off the streets and isolated from the main town area, but was not willing to put a lot of money towards their upkeep.  From an archaeological standpoint, the 
leprosarium provides the opportunity to examine how the disease was dealt with in everyday life (medically or with other means).   
	 The following study of the mid-19th century Hassel Island leprosarium in the Virgin Islands will provide a history of St. Thomas and Hassel Island, a historical background on the leprosarium through what the government and island physician wrote on why it was needed, what was built, who was sent there, and living conditions.  Following the site history will be a description of the archaeological excavation carried out at the leprosarium, the results of the artifact analysis, and a discussion of what the artifactual remains revealed about life at the leprosarium.	








































Chapter 4
St. Thomas and Hassel Island Description and Historical Background

A Brief Introduction to St. Thomas

The island of St. Thomas, part of the United States Virgin Islands, is part of the Greater Antilles in the Caribbean Sea (Figure 4-1).  Located 40 miles east of Puerto Rico, St. Thomas is 13 miles long and two to three miles wide.  The terrain is mostly hilly, with the highest ridge topping out at 1500 feet above sea level.   St. Thomas has a sub-tropical climate, with temperatures remaining in the 70s most of the year and rainfall average is around 41 inches.  Soils on the island are typically shallow and rocky, with erosion due to the hilly land.  Terracing is often necessary to deal with the slope when agricultural items are being produced (Dookhan 1994:1-6).  
St. Thomas has a variety of indigenous and non-indigenous flora and fauna.  Dookhan considers the division of between indigenous and non-indigenous flora and fauna to be the arrival of Europeans, so it is likely that some of this indigenous flora and fauna were brought in by Indian tribes.  Indigenous food to the island include: coconuts, grapes, sour-sop, mamee, custard-apple, sugar-apple, cashew, papaua, cassava, arrowroot, sweet potato, corn, pepper, squash, beans, and cacao.   Dookhan also lists cotton and tobacco as native to the islands, and were later further cultivated by Europeans. Food such as sugarcane, star-apple, okra, sorrel, tamarind, mango, and plantain were brought to the island by Europeans.  Native animals include bats, lizards, snakes, iguanas, and the land tortoise.  Horse, cattle, sheep, goats, and pigs were brought in by European settlers (9-12).
Before the arrival of Europeans, the earliest human inhabitants of the Virgin Islands were the Ciboney (between 300 and 400 B.C.), who arrived either from Florida, South America, 


Figure 4-1.  Map of the U.S. Virgin Islands (Courtesy of worldatlas.com)




or Central America.  The Arawaks arrived from South America between 100 and 200 A.D. The Caribs, who also came from South America, arrived about 100 to 150 years before Columbus.  The Ciboney were driven out or possibly eliminated by the Arawaks.  Upon European arrival in 1493, the Caribs had taken over Arawak settlements on St. Croix, but both Arawak and Carib groups would not survive long after the arrival of the Spaniards.  They were killed off by European disease and died in large numbers from lack of food and grueling labor forced on them by the Spaniards.  It is also possible that some of the Indians fled to other islands in the Lesser Antilles (Dookhan 1994:15-16,28).      
Christopher Columbus landed on St. Croix, in the Virgin Islands, in November 1493, during his second voyage to the New World.  While Spain immediately took ownership of the islands as well as many other islands in the West Indies, other European countries demanded rights to the islands as well, in order acquire territory and trade.  As Spain’s power declined in the 17th century, Spanish ability to protect the islands in the West Indies diminished, and invasions by the English, French, and Dutch further weakened their control.  By the 1670s, the Danish has set up their first colony on St. Thomas after a failed first attempt a decade before (Dookhan 1994:31-37).   The Danes regarded St. Thomas as an excellent location for trade with neighboring foreign islands and for cultivation.   St. Thomas was known most for its trade, while the production of sugar cane became St. Croix’s specialty. 
Slavery and the slave trade were common on St. Thomas since the first colonization by the Danish until Emancipation in 1848, with enslaved individuals making up 90 percent of the population during the slavery era.  Denmark remained neutral during the many wars of the late 17th and 18th centuries, therefore becoming a very important port for neutral trade with various colonies.  St. Thomas also became a market for the sale of captured ships and cargo.  The economy of the Virgin Islands declined throughout the 19thcentury due to the growing competition for sugar production and the decline in trading on St. Thomas.  St. Thomas, along with St. John and St. Croix were bought by the United States in 1917 for 25 million dollars (vii-ix).      
Historical Archaeology in the Virgin Islands

	Historical archaeology research in the Virgin Islands has focused on a variety of topics and areas around the islands (see Kellar 2004; Armstrong 2003; Anderson 2000, 2003).  Archaeological Investigations on Hassel Island, in particular, have been few (see Jameson 1992; Latif and Martens 2009), but studies such as this one, and others will hopefully be forthcoming as the trails being cut across the island by the National Park Service for visitors (see Chapter 5) will surely lead to more artifact collection and analysis involving the former industries and residences of the island.
Hassel Island
Located in the harbor of Charlotte Amalie off the southern coast of St. Thomas, Hassel Island is a small body of land that covers approximately 135 acres (Jameson 1992:6).  Originally a peninsula of St. Thomas (Figure 4-2), Hassel became an island in 1864, when the Danish government cut the isthmus connecting the land to St. Thomas (1992:22).  The isthmus was cut so that small barges and boats, with less than a six foot draft, could pass through the harbor directly into Gregerie Channel to the west of the island, as well as to help promote the flow of water and remove the trash accumulating in the harbor from dumping (Gjessing 1980-1981:17-18).  Shortly after the United States purchase of the Virgin Islands in 1917, the cut was deepened so that larger vessels could pass through (Jameson 1992:22).  



Figure 4-2.  Map showing the harbor at Charlotte Amalie and Hassel Peninsula in the early 1800s.  The function of the building near the location of the future leprosarium is unknown (black arrow) (Lundbye ~1800).



Hassel Island’s Economic Importance

The first mention of Hassel Island occurred in a Danish land registry dated 1688.  The then peninsula was referred to as Orcanhullet, which translated means Hurricane Hole (Latif and Martens 2009:14).  In 1672 the Danish West India Company established permanent settlement around the harbor of Charlotte Amalie on St. Thomas, and Hassel Island was used initially as grazing grounds for livestock (Gjessing 1980-1981:4).  The earliest owner of Hassel Island under Danish rule was John Hatch, a surgeon from the British Isles, who owned the island from 1688 to approximately 1693, though the records show that the Hatch family owned an inn in Charlotte Amalie and did not actually live on the peninsula.  There was a plantation on the peninsula during John Hatch’s ownership, but production on this plantation was believed to be very small considering the soil of the peninsula was not of a quality to produce worthwhile amounts of cotton or sugar, and any sort of food production by the plantation was probably in the form of keeping goats.  After Hatch’s death, his widow took over ownership of the island until her death, when the land was transferred to her son in 1710 (Latif and Martens 2009:14-18).  Ownership changed several more times over the next few decades and further plantation efforts were initiated by plantation owners, but agricultural production during the early 18th century continued to be minimal.  The peninsula did not begin to find its true importance until 1755, when Jacob Magens bought the land.  Around 1770, records begin to show an increase in enslaved laborers on the peninsula with another note that Magens had been given the privilege of careening, or cleaning and repairing, the bottom of ships (Latif and Martens 2009:25). During the late 1700s, the success of the careening business appeared to skyrocket on the peninsula during ownership of James Hassel (for whom the island is named) and his son James Hassel Junior.  There were an increasing number of slaves reported on the island during this time, peaking in 1790, with 23 slaves listed in the land registry.  Careening would have been very popular in the harbor of St. Thomas in the late 18th century due to Charlotte Amalie being used as a free port during the American and French Revolutionary Wars (2009:29-30).  		
Hassel Peninsula became important for more than just careening ships.  During the Napoleonic War in 1801, British forces occupied the Danish West Indies.  British Lieutenant Colonel Charles Shipley directed the construction of fortifications on both the north and south ends of Hassel Peninsula.  The area became a strategic center for military operations, since the eastern and southern sides of the peninsula have excellent views of the harbor and ocean.  Occupation by the British forces on Hassel Island, as well as the rest of the Danish West Indies, was brief.  British control ended a year later, in 1802, and the fortifications on Hassel Peninsula were abandoned.  The British occupied the Danish West Indies again from 1807 to 1815.  They repaired the fortifications built during the first occupation, expanded them, and re-populated them with approximately 1500 British soldiers (Gjessing 1980-1981:7-12). During the mid-to- late 19th century, a guardhouse of the abandoned Fort Shipley was converted into a smallpox hospital and quarantine station (54). Between and after these occupations, the Hassel family continued to own Hassel Peninsula and its prospering careening business. In 1833, Hassel leased an area of land on the northwest portion of the peninsula for the construction of a small leper hospital. This will be discussed in more detail further below.
In 1841, construction began on a depot for the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company on the northeastern end of Hassel Peninsula.  This company shipped passengers and mail around the eastern and western Caribbean, as well as to the north coast of South America.  In that same year, the St. Thomas Marine Railway Company purchased land on the northeast end of Hassel Peninsula, in an area called Small Careening Cove, in order to construct a marine railway and repair slip.  This marine railway remained an important part of services for ships coming into the harbor through World War II (Gjessing 1980-1981:15-16).  After several years of threats to the Danish government about relocating their offices, the Royal Mail Steam Packet Company moved its services to Barbados in 1888.  When the Royal Mail Company originally announced its plan to move in 1871, the Hamburg-America Line came to establish its services on St. Thomas.  They bought eight acres on Hassel Island (the isthmus was cut in 1864), in the area known as Careening Cove, and set up several warehouses, a coaling dock, catchments, and water storage tanks.  These facilities were able to perform minor ship repair.  Major ship repairs were still sent to the St. Thomas Marine Railway Company on the northeast end of the island (1980-1981:21-22).  
Devastated by their financial losses in World War I, Denmark sold the Danish Virgin Islands to the United States in 1917.  The US took control of all Hamburg-America Line properties on the islands, and those on Hassel Island were converted to a US Naval station, which remained there until the end of World War II.  After World War I, the commerce that was once so great in the Charlotte Amalie harbor never returned.  Only the marine railway in Small Careening Cove remained, doing a steady amount of work, until it shut down after World War II (1980-1981:24).
National Park Service Acquisition and National Register Status	
Hassel Island’s economic ties to Charlotte Amalie’s harbor were gone by the mid-20th
century.  The once prosperous careening and shipping businesses had disappeared from the island.  In 1978, the National Park Service purchased 95 percent of the island from a family that had owned it since the 1930s (Campos 2008).  Hassel Island was named a historic district on the National Register of Historic Places in 1976, with a boundary extension added in 1978 (Wright et al. 1976; Hillary et al. 1978).  Today, Hassel Island is being cleared of brush, and structures are being stabilized so the island can be made accessible to tourists who would like to explore the rich history of this small island.
Disease and Quarantine on Hassel Island

	Although Hassel Island is known historically as an important center for marine repair and military stationing, the island has also served as a home for those being quarantined for diseases.  Two disease quarantine hospitals existed on Hassel Island during the 19th century.  One is located on the northern peak of the island at the area known as Fort Shipley.  Sometime after abandonment by British forces, a smallpox quarantine was built at Fort Shipley.  Lawrence’s 1851 Admiralty map (Figure 4-3) shows the hospital existing as early as 1851, although Gjessing (1980-1981:54) says the area was not converted into a smallpox hospital until sometime between 1865 and 1881.  
	Located northwest, down slope from Fort Shipley, is the site of another former quarantine hospital.  The leprosarium was placed in a relatively isolated location, facing away from the harbor of Charlotte Amalie.  The Marine Railway Company on the northeast portion of the island was not built till 1841, and Fort Shipley had not yet been converted to smallpox quarantine and was probably not occupied in the early 1830s.  Therefore, the leprsarium would have avoided being seen by most of inhabitants, at least in its early years, of Hassel Island and St. Thomas, except for those who may have resided directly on the other side of the land bridge connecting Hassel to the St. Thomas.
According to Danish police records, on April 13, 1833 a proposition was sent by the commissioner of police to the governor’s office in Charlotte Amalie requesting permission to build a Lazarettet, also called a leprosarium, or a quarantine hospital for those afflicted with leprosy, on Orcanhullet (Hassel Peninsula) (St. Thomas politikontor [St. Thomas Police Office] 1788-1905).  This proposition was put together after police found a woman in Charlotte Amalie taking care of four children with leprosy. They feared the disease would begin spreading around the island and that lepers would be roaming around the town, unless the disease could be isolated from the general population.  The King’s physician, or Landfysikus, likely did not believe the disease was completely contagious, but believed that the condition was mostly hereditary, although there could be a chance of contracting the disease if a lesion were touched (Lochmann 1871).  The proposition was approved by the King’s physician and the Citizen Council before it was approved by the governor on April 20, 1833.  The owner of the peninsula, James Hassel Jr., built a single house, with his own money, near the isthmus of the peninsula that was ready for occupation on July 18, 1833.  There is very little information on the physical appearance of the building, except that in an 1860 medical report, mention was made of a boy who contracted leprosy after sleeping underneath and inside the building (St. Thomas politikontor [St. Thomas Police Office] 1788-1905; St. Thomas og St. Jan guvernement [St. Thomas and St. John Government] 1711-1917; St. Thomas borgerråd [St. Thomas Burgher Council] 1776-1865; Medicinalindberetninger, Vestindien [Medical Reports from Danish West Indies] 1823-1910).  This suggests that the building may have, at least partially, been raised off the ground, if a boy was able to sleep underneath it. Since the hospital site resides on a slope, a raised building, along at least one end, would have been necessary to create a level floor. It is doubtful that the building was made of stone or coral if it were raised off the ground.  It is also likely that there would still be remnants of the building(s) if they were made of stone or coral, since the cistern is still standing, and other historic buildings on the island made of stone and/or coral are still, at least partially, standing.  
A letter to the governor from the Chief of Police shows that the hospital already had ten patients by the time a cistern and fence were built for the property in October 1833.  The Chief of Police also let the governor know, in a letter dating to 1833, that more patients would be incoming once they were found (St. Thomas politikontor [St. Thomas Police Office] 1788-1905; St. Thomas og St. Jan guvernement [St. Thomas and St. John Government] 1711-1917).
An 1852 historical report on St. Thomas, by Pastor John P. Knox, made a brief mention of the leprosarium when describing the good sanitary conditions that Danish officials kept on the island.  He said, “Persons afflicted with the leprosy are to be immediately removed to a house out of town provided for that purpose” (Knox 1852:203).  This single sentence, along with the Chief of Police stating that more patients would be incoming once they were found, suggests that admittance to the leprosarium was involuntary during this time.  
	The Chief of Police estimated, at the time of the hospital’s construction, that its capacity would be 20 patients.  During the first few years of operation, the hospital accommodated anywhere between 18 and 20 patients.  By September of 1836, the patient count had risen to 23 (St. Thomas politikontor [St. Thomas Police Office] 1788-1905). Historical documents only make mention of one structure to house patients being constructed, along with the cistern, but an 1851 map (Figure 4-3), shows four structures at the site.  Archaeological excavations at the site during 2008 revealed a still standing cistern, and three building foundations. While one of the foundations could represent the patient housing, it is unknown what the possible second and third foundation could have been.  It is possible that a second building to house the patients was constructed when the patient population began to rise, or this may have represented housing for the caretaker, although the documents made no mention of where the caretaker resided. 
From 1837 to 1838, the number of patients dropped from 23 to 12.  During these two

Figure 4-3.  Cropped 1873 Revised (original map 1851) Admiralty Chart of Hassel Peninsula.  The ‘X’ marks the spot of the leprosarium (Lawrance 1851).






years, police reports show that three women and six men died at the hospital and were buried using public funds.  It is unknown what happened to the other patients who left the hospital during this time, although if they had died and their families had paid for burial, their deaths would not have shown up in the police records.  No causes of death are listed in the police records, but it is unlikely that leprosy was the cause.  Leprosy is not typically fatal, and there were no known epidemics sweeping through the islands until the smallpox epidemic in 1843 (Knox 1852:197). It is possible that patients were dying from poor medical treatment or poor living conditions within the hospital.  Studies at the leprosarium at Moloka’i, Hawaii show that dismal conditions, rather that leprosy, were more likely the cause of the institutions 15 percent average mortality rate, between the years 1865 and 1897 (Amundson 2010).  Police reports from St. Thomas show that only three new patients were committed to the hospital during these two years, including one case that involved the King’s physician coming to examine two slaves for leprosy (St. Thomas politikontor [St. Thomas Police Office] 1788-1905).  After 1838, the hospital’s population settled at around 12 patients.  The patients at the hospital were likely all from the lowest classes of society as an 1842 report from the Landfysikus describes the hospital’s patients as “sentina populi,” which is Latin for the scum of society (Medicinalindberetninger, Vestindien [Medical Reports from Danish West Indies] 1823-1910).  
A patient list entitled “Those undergoing treatment for leprosy in Charlotte Amalie on the island of St. Thomas, 9 October 1855” [translation], recorded eight patients, six of whom
were placed at the leprosy hospital (Figure 4-4, Table 4-1).  Along with patient names, the document lists patient age, location, and marital status. The document is signed by the sheriff’s department on 20 January 1856 (Sager vedr. folketælling [Census] 1841 - 1855).  While the list did not record sex, it can be assumed from the names that both males and females were equally 

Figure 4-4.  List of leprosy patients undergoing treatment for leprosy on St. Thomas in 1855 (Sager vedr. folketælling [Census] 1841 – 1855).







Table 4-1.  English Translation of Figure 4-4.
 (
List
Those undergoing treatment for leprosy in Charlotte Amalie on the island of St. Thomas 9 October 1855
Name
Birthplace
Age
Married or Unmarried
1
Deffy
St. Thomas
15
Unmarried
2
Jean Baptiste
St. Thomas
14
Unmarried
3
Johannes
Virgin Gordo
28
Unmarried
They are all placed at the leprosy 
lazaret
4
Esther 
Madaro
St. Thomas
36
Unmarried
5
Marie 
Dogharty
St. Thomas
18
Unmarried
6
Ann 
Cardore
Curacao
40
Unmarried
7
Joseph Hook
St. Thomas
20
Unmarried
Any costs he has to pay are paid on behalf 
of
 his mother, the widow Catharina Hook, 
who
 lives in 
Prindsessegade
 no 40
8
Peter Alex Murdock
St. Thomas
26
Unmarried
He lives with his mother Prudence and 
Betsy at 
Nørregade
 no 15b and she also 
pays
 his bills for him
Signed by the Sheriff's Department on 20 January 1856
)
affected by leprosy.  The two patients without last names may represent former slaves (emancipation was declared in 1848), which means it can also be assumed that there was a mixture of races at the hospital.  The patient born in Curaçao may have been of South American origin since Curaçao is located off the cost of Venezuela.  St. Thomas was a mixture of ethnicities during this time because it was a popular trading port, so a variety of ethnic backgrounds among the patients would not be unexpected.  It can also be seen from this list that the patients were all relatively young.  According to the 1867 Report on Leprosy, many of the doctors reported that leprosy can be found across all age groups.  Sufferers tend to live upwards of 20 or 30 more years before succumbing to complications from leprosy or other ailments.  
Evidence that the patients who were sent to the leprosy hospital were probably poor can be seen from this census list. The bottom two patients on the list were not noted as having been sent to the hospital, and their expenses were paid by their mothers.  These clues suggest that they had enough wealth to stay at home to be treated, and possibly to keep the disease hidden from the rest of the population (see chapter 2 for more).         
Catharine Bolas served as the primary caretaker and cook for the patients from 1833 to 1835.  She spent between 75 to 124 rigsdalers per month on food for the patients.  The Citizen’s Council on St. Thomas thought this amount was too high, as they wanted the hospital costs to be about 800 rigsdalers a year.   According to Keller (1908), one rigsdaler was worth $1.11 in 1908, which using an inflation calculator would equal .05 cents in 2010.  Therefore, the cost of 800 rigsdalers would equal approximately $44.40 in the present day. James Hassel, who built the hospital at his own expense and who was receiving two rigsdalers per month from the government for each patient for rent, agreed, in 1835, to take a 50 percent cut in rent paid per patient to help contain costs.  In 1835 the Citizen’s Council hired a new caretaker, Mary Heiliger, who dropped the food purchases to 63 rigsdalers per month.  This meant that in 1836, when the patient population was at 23, each patient had the equivalent of approximately 2.70 rigsdalers per month of food.  Mary Heiliger made a complaint to the governor that this was not enough money to provide an adequate amount of food to the patients, so the Citizen’s Council raised the monthly allowance to 3.50 rigsdalers per month for each patient.  Due to the decrease in the number of patients after 1838, the Chief of Police requested that food allowances be raised again.   This request was approved and each patient subsequently received 4.50 rigsdalers per month.  Due to an increase in food prices in 1847, the monthly food allowance was temporarily raised to 6.50 rigsdalers, and in 1848 this amount was made permanent.  Catharine Bolas was rehired as caretaker in 1847 (St. Thomas politikontor [St. Thomas Police Office] 1788-1905; St. Thomas og St. Jan guvernement [St. Thomas and St. John Government] 1711-1917; St. Thomas borgerråd [St. Thomas Burgher Council] 1776-1865; Medicinalindberetninger, Vestindien [Medical Reports from Danish West Indies] 1823-1910).	
Considering the Citizen’s Council desire to reduce food costs to a bare minimum and the high mortality rate from 1837 to 1838, the conditions in which the patients lived were probably less than satisfactory.  The Landfysikus in his 1853 medical report to the Copenhagen Ministry of Health said: 

On the leprosarium, which is located west of the town and rather isolated, are seven patients. The care is poor since the house is in a miserable condition, the food is bad, and even the most basic furniture like mattresses is missing. I have reported these shortcomings to the local authorities and proposed improvements to better the living standards of these unfortunate outcasts from society, and I hope I have not pleaded their cause in vain. (Medicinalindberetninger, Vestindien [Medical Reports from Danish West Indies] 1823-1910).  
	

There appears to have been no response to this letter from the Ministry of Health since conditions at the leprosarium did not seem to improve, and it would be several more years before it was shut down.  The Landfysikus, who composed the report for the ministry, wrote another letter in 1861 after he was no longer in office, which further stated his unhappiness with the condition of the patients at the leprosarium.  He reported that the lepers

…are living a miserable life, they are trying to avoid human contact just as much as people try to avoid them. Sadly it is not in the power of science to throw light on the reasons for this hereditary disease which skips generations and then reappears.
An old law is in power here which bans the infected from the habitations of the other citizens and banishes them to an isolated existence in a secluded place where, as far as I know, all necessities are lacking. In my time (as Landfysikus) I have pointed this out and have applied for improvements. This precaution (to isolate the lepers) was taken in the interest of the common well – the individual had to suffer for the community -.
I should presume that the Landfysikus has visited these outcasts and I dare believe that he has called attention to their needs, like I have done myself, and I hope that better times will come for those who are unable to help themselves.
… If the local authority believes that it has to protect itself against a disease, then the authorities must also accept the expenses, and pay abundantly, and take care of the unfortunate people who are cast out from society. At the very least it should be seen to that the unfortunates have a roof over their heads and their daily bread
(Medicinalindberetninger, Vestindien [Medical Reports from Danish West Indies] 1823-1910).


In 1859, the King’s Physician and the Commissioner of Police sent a proposition to the president of St. Thomas that proposed that the leprosarium be closed and the remaining patients be moved to the new public hospital on St. Thomas.  The leprosarium was dilapidated and its close proximity to the marine railway meant it was not isolated anymore. There were some concerns from the Burgher Council (similar to a city council) about the possibility of spreading the disease, but after much discussion with the King’s Physician, it was decided that it would be safe to isolate the few remaining lepers in the public hospital. The Burgher Council ultimately agreed to the move, mostly because it would reduce costs.  On October 24, 1859, the burger council wrote a letter to the presidency which stated:

The Policemaster and the Landsphysician at that time suggested that a place for such patients should be arranged in the new public Hospital, to which however the Council was opposed, but as it seems impossible to carry out the measure of having all such unfortunate subjects placed in the scrofula Hospital, not one having since been introduced there, and there being at present only two inmates in that Hospital, at an annual expense of $384, besides which the amount paid for their support cannot hold out any encouragement for the person charged with them, to afford that care and comfort which they may require, the Council has come to the conclusion that those two individuals, being brought nearer to the town, where there are so many cases of that disease, will not tend much to enhance the danger of contagion, if such exists, and would therefore most respectfully recommend that they be removed to the present public Hospital, where every care will be taken to keep them from coming in contact with the other inmates; they will be more comfortable, and the Country Treasury will save a considerable sum of expenditure for Hospital rent etc.” (St. Thomas borgerråd [St. Thomas Burgher Council]  1776 -1865).


In October 1861, the local authorities in Charlotte Amalie were given the go ahead to move the remaining two leprosy patients on Hassel Peninsula to the public hospital on St. Thomas.  No longer rented by the local authorities, the site of the leprosarium and its buildings were returned to the land’s owner, who by this time was James Hassel Junior (St. Thomas og St. Jan guvernement [St. Thomas and St. John Government] 1711-1917; St. Thomas borgerråd [St. Thomas Burgher Council] 1776-1865).  
	Use of the leprosarium’s land and buildings post-1862 is mostly unknown. The land records through the early 20th century show all but a couple of acres of Hassel Island’s land were owned by the Hassel family and heirs.  The documents make no mention of what the leprosarium’s land was used for except that it remained in the Hassel family (Figure 4-5).

Figure 4-5.  1904 Landholding Map.  The ‘L’ on the west coast of Hassel Island represents that the land was owned by “Hassell’s Arvinger[heirs]” (Aamodt 1904). Also notice that the red is overlaid on Lawrance’s 1851 Admiralty map.






Chapter 5
Fieldwork on Hassel Island

Prior Fieldwork at Leprosy Hospital

An archaeological survey and assessment, totaling 135 acres, was carried out on Hassel Island in 1990 by John Jameson and the National Park Service.  The purpose of this survey was to determine if potential construction projects on the island would damage any existing archaeological sites (Jameson 1992:11).  The project included pedestrian survey and the excavation of 24 shovel tests (1992:7).  The report makes brief mention of a leprosarium/hospital area and a cistern.  There was one shovel test dug in this area, though no mention is made in the report as to where, exactly, on the site the shovel test was dug.  The single shovel test was dug to 20 centimeters below surface and the cultural material recovered included pearlware, whiteware, and stoneware ceramic fragments (decorated and undecorated), iron and brass nails, white ball clay pipe bowl fragments, dark green bottle glass, and a brass box key.  These artifacts were not included in this study, since the provenience information is unknown.  The report concluded that the materials recovered reflect the time period of the site, although nothing is mentioned pertaining to a history of either the site or where Jameson received his information that the area was a hospital (1992:65-66).
During February 2008, a small crew of National Park Service employees, including the park archaeologist, and interns went to Hassel Island to flag a proposed trail that would be leading up to Shipley’s Battery, located at the top of the ridge on the northern portion of the island.  They began cutting the trail at the base of the slope on the northwest portion of the island.  At this point, a scattering of 19th-century glass bottles was noted and GPS points were taken using a handheld Trimble GeoExplorer with sub-meter accuracy.  As the crew began moving up the slope, more glass bottles, as well as a scattering of ceramics and a white ball clay pipe bowl, molded with a steam-powered locomotive (Figure 6-38), were noted along the northwest slope.  At this point, no controlled surface collection was carried out, but the pipe bowl was collected, photographed, and its location was given a GPS point.   In April 2008, before the trail was cut, the crew returned to Hassel Island to conduct a surface collection along the proposed trail in the vicinity of the leprosy hospital site.  This collection yielded ceramics, bottle glass fragments, metal, the remains of a crab, and the pipe bowl, which had been collected in February.  Noticing the density of artifact scatter west of the cut trail, around the cistern/hospital area, park archaeologist Ken Wild concluded that research and recovery of these artifacts should be done as soon as possible, before more clearing of this part of the island took place (NPS 2008).          
Fieldwork: May-June 2008

A systematic collection and excavation of the site began in May 2008 and continued over the next four weeks.  Goals for this fieldwork included mapping, photographing, and taking GPS points of the cistern and any foundation remains, recovery of as much of the surface material as possible, and excavating three test units to see if any subsurface material remained.  This project was done in coordination with the Virgin Islands National Park Service and was funded by the NPS and the Friends of the Virgin Islands National Park. I worked with a crew consisting of the Virgin Islands NPS archaeologist Ken Wild, and a total of seven interns who helped at varying points during the project.  I was in charge of leading the excavation at the site, with input from the park archaeologist, as well as analyzing the artifacts recovered.  

Site Cleanup and Walkover

The site is located on a slope on the northwestern corner of Hassel Island, south of the

former land bridge (Figure 5-1).  While the historic boundaries of the site are unknown at this time, the site is bounded on the western and southern sides by the ocean and/or steep slope;  northern areas of the site are bounded by the trail and dense vegetation; and the eastern portion of the site was decided on based on lack of surface artifacts and structural remains (Figure 5-2).  Before an archaeological investigation could begin at the site, some clearing of brush was needed in order to get a better view of the ground surface.  The only remaining structure on the site, a cistern, was covered and surrounded by a variety of plants, including cactus, mother-in-law’s tongue, and other thorny and vine-like plants.  The remainder of the area that was being tested was covered mostly in guinea grass, which according to the park archaeologist had been planted there in the past after the slope had caught on fire several times from 4th of July fireworks being shot from St. Thomas.  No visible remnants of fire were evident on the site except for carbonized material found at FS#87, but it is unknown whether this material was related to the firework fires.  Cleanup of the site involved clearing the brush from the cistern and cutting as much of the guinea grass as possible, so ground visibility would be improved (Figure 5-3).  Once the brush was cleared, the boundaries of the test area were determined based on landform, structure and foundation locations, and artifact densities.  Approximately 1800 meters of area was designed as possible testing area, although only portions of this area had visible artifacts and was tested.  
The cistern, located on a slope, measured 5x3.3 meters and on its tallest side the height measured 2.61 meters.  The cistern was constructed of undressed stone and brick with mortar.  The top of the cistern has a dome made of brick and an opening for collecting water (Figure 5-4).  The interior walls were parged and the floor appeared to be rubble (Figure 5-5).  The cistern was constructed in October 1833, not long after the leprosarium’s opening.   While the images do not line up exactly, it is believed that the small, squarish building on the 1851 admiralty map is

Figure 5-1.  Leprosy hospital site facing southeast. The highlighted area in the foreground shows the remnants of the isthmus.  Behind that, slightly upslope, the site’s cistern is visible (red arrow).  Photo taken by the author in 2008.




Figure 5-2.  Topographic map of Hassel Island, showing elevations of the island (USGS 1982).  The red circle marks the approximate location of the leprosarium.


Figure 5-3.  Clearing of brush from the cistern. Photo taken by the author in 2008.

 

Figure 5-4.  Facing northwest towards the east wall of the cistern.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.

Figure 5-5.  View of the interior of the cistern.  Note the dead iguana in the center.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.


the cistern seen in the 2011 aerial of Hassel Island with the site map overlain (Figure 5-6).    
After the site area was cleared, a random walkover was completed by four people over varying intervals around the site area to look for any foundations or other structural materials.  Three possible foundations (see Figure 5-11) to the east and south of the cistern were flagged and photographed (Figure 5-7 – 5-9). These foundations were made of undressed stone, and were labeled Foundation A-C. Foundation C shows evidence of mortaring.  Measurements were taken of foundation length and width.  Foundation A measured 9.25 x 1 meters.  Foundation B was more scattered, but the length measured approximately 6 meters.  Foundation C measured 13 x 3 meters.  Figure # shows the overlay of the site map with the 1851 admiralty map and a Google Earth aerial.  Foundation C, the longest of the foundations, appears to match up with the long building on the 1851 map.  While the proximity is not as close, Foundations A and B could match up with the two buildings to the east of the cistern on the 1851 map.  The artifact scatter was most densely clustered to the northeast of the cistern and west of the cut trail. Located in this area of dense artifact scatter were two metal rods extending approximately 30 centimeters out of the ground.  The purpose of these rods, when they were placed in the ground, and if they are associated with the site, is presently unknown.  One suggestion was that they may mark utility lines, but that does not seem very logical since the only still-occupied residences are located on the opposite side of the island from the site.  
Heading south of the noted foundations, artifacts become sparser and then completely disappear as the slope becomes very steep.  The only artifact noted east of the cut trail, a coarse earthenware basin, discussed more in Chapter 6, was located very near the trail before the vegetation and terrain worsened.  The area east of the trail was far too dense with vegetation to look for artifacts and the slope of this area begins to steepen more dramatically.

Figure 5-6.  Aerial photograph of Hassel Island with the site map and 1851 admiralty map overlayed to show the relation of the current cistern to the historic image of the cistern.  The red circle marks the location of the cistern remains overlayed with the site grid.






Figure 5-7.  Foundation A, facing southwest.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.




Figure 5-8.  Foundation B, facing southwest towards the cistern.  Photo taken in 2008 by the author.





Figure 5-9.  Foundation C, facing north towards the cistern. Photo taken in 2008 by the author.
Also located at the base of the slope, just south of the former land bridge connecting Hassel Island to St. Thomas, is a small cemetery that is assumed by the park archaeologist to be associated with the hospital.  While the exact number of burials is unknown at this time, there are at least five or six present.  These burials are what are considered to be traditional Caribbean burials for this region.  Since the soil is so shallow it is impossible to dig a grave deep enough to bury a body, so what can be dug, is dug, then the body is covered in rocks and a marker, usually a conch shell, in placed at the head of the grave (Figure 5-10).  While the discovery of cemetery records maybe helpful in learning who was at the hospital, researching the cemetery was not one of the goals of this project, so only a few photographs and a GPS point were taken of the area.  

Systematic Grid Collection

Due to the rockiness and shallowness of the soil, most of the artifacts associated with the hospital reside on the ground surface.  It was determined that the most systematic way to collect these 

Figure 5-10.  Facing WNW looking at a gravesite.  The large piece of coral (red arrow) marks the top of the grave, while the pile of rocks covered the body. Photo taken by the author in 2008.
artifacts would be to lay out a grid over the area that contained the greatest artifact density that would allow for a complete surface collection of artifacts while giving each artifact a relatively small provenience area (Figures 5-11 – 5-15 or see Appendix II for full size site map). This gridded area comprised approximately 360 meters, or 20 percent of the 1800 meters of site area.  The datum point, given an arbitrary position of 500N/500E, was established east of the cistern and the eastern side of the cistern was used to establish Grid North, which was 38 degrees east of true North.  Extending from the datum west to the southern end of the cistern and east to the cut trail, 49 2x2 meter blocks were laid out using triangulation with measuring tape, string, and nails, which resulted in 3 to 4 rows of 2x2 meter blocks covering the area between the cistern and trail, covering 196 square meters of surface area (Figure 5-16).  GPS points were taken at the edges of the gridded area. The southwest corner of each block was given a northing and easting and photographs were taken of each block before artifacts were collected.  Cultural material was 

59


Figure 5-11.  Leprosarium site map.


 (
Foundation A
)   
Figure 5-12.  Detail, northeast portion of site map.

Figure 5-13.  Detail, northwest portion of site map.


 (
Foundation B
)
Figure 5-14.  Detail, center portion of the site map.
 (
Foundation  C
)
Figure 5-15.  Detail, southern portion of s